Volume 37 Number 3
Winter 1998

Distance education is one of the most discussed and vaunted aspects of contemporary education (Mood, 1995); the recent explosion in computer and telecommunications technology has created both new opportunities and distinct avenues for productive discussion (Cummins & Sayers, 1995; Garrison, 1989; Holmberg, 1989). Distance learning thus is often lauded as an educational tool particularly well-suited for reaching students who are otherwise likely to be left out of the system and deprived of educational and employment opportunities (Rossman & Rossman, 1995). It is also a tool for teaching students about diversity (Sembour, 1997). Distance learning has the potential to bring otherwise marginalized people into the societal mainstream (Dillon & Cintron, 1997; Mikovsky, 1997).

This potential for inclusion makes distance learning a promising phenomenon. Geographical isolation, physical disability, and poverty, for instance, no longer inevitably mean continued economic deprivation. The technologies associated with distance education are, in one form or another, so widely available that everyone is potentially included. Even Native communities that suffer many of the social pathologies wrought by isolation, poverty, disease, legislative assaults on sovereignty, and lack of economic opportunity now confront the possibilities (and threats) associated with inclusion.

One conceivable, positive outcome of such inclusion is the possibility that this technology can serve to preserve, maintain, and revitalize traditional languages and cultures. While the dominant culture exerts tremendous pressure for assimilation (Sanchez, 1997), pressure that is often directed through educational systems (Morris, 1997; Sanchez, Stuckey, & Morris, 1998), distance education technologies can be used as a means of frustrating the ends of assimilation.

This essay addresses these possibilities, and examines the implications of distance education through an analysis of how American Indians are using these technologies and with what consequences. Our argument proceeds in four parts. First, we briefly examine distance education in general. We then explore in very general terms traditional American Indian education. We then discuss the uses that some tribal schools and colleges are making of this technology. Finally, we analyze the potential outcomes and consequences of these practices.

Distance Education

Distance learning is playing an increasingly important role in the national educational system, a fact that reflects both the increased median age of the college population (Cantelon, 1995) and the increasing availability of the requisite technology. Still, distance education continues to suffer from problems associated with time lags between students and teachers, with lack of funding, with problems associated with the technologies (Foell & Fritz, 1995) and with the continued perception that distance education is somehow substantively inferior to that available in traditional college settings (Mood, 1995, p. 4). In addition, national programs such as Star Schools, which focus on economically disadvantaged students, have been criticized for lacking the cultural sensitivity necessary to bring those students into the mainstream (Barrera, 1993). As technological innovations increasingly blur the lines between traditional and distance learning, the stigma associated with distance education is fading, and will fade further still. However, this is a slow process. The lack of funding and respect remain significant barriers in some contexts (Morrison, 1989).

Distance education is specifically oriented to non-traditional students, those who for a variety of reasons, find it impossible to attend a traditional university. These students tend to be older than 25 (Mood, 1995, p. 4), tend to live in geographically isolated regions, are sometimes physically disabled, and are disproportionately represented among the poorer sectors of American society (Mood, 1995; see Endnote 1). Yet, it is misleading to think of these students as a homogenous group (Cummins & Sayers, 1995); it is more profitable to recognize that "in a sense, every user is a special group of one" (Mood, 1995, p. 127; see also Hezel & Dirr, 1991; Paulet, 1988; Thompson, 1989). Distance education is thus strongly learner- rather than institutionally-centered (Miller, 1995). In part, this is because different students have different learning styles (Evans, 1994; James & Gardner, 1995), different home lives, and different reasons for choosing distance learning. And in part, it is a result of the fact that there is no common "classroom," no geographically communal space in which learning occurs.

This lack of shared "space" is a problem for distance educators, who strive to create "communities" among those who may never meet (Cook, 1995; Weedon, 1997). Successful distance education is thus extraordinarily dependent upon individual motivation and independent study, and places considerable responsibility on the shoulders of the individual students (Garrison, 1989). Yet the human factors are often ignored in favor of focusing on technology, and this can create its own problems (Spitzer, 1998). As one author puts it:

Because students in distance education programs are often those who are already most likely to expect failure, solutions to these problems become especially important (Barron, 1987; Hult, 1989; Ritchie & Newby, 1989). The possibilities for implementing such solutions are illuminated best through a brief exploration of traditional tribal education.

Education in Tribal Contexts

The history of the educational relationship between the mainstream and American Indian nations is an unfortunate one. Almost invariably, efforts to "educate" American Indians, regardless of motive or method, have been aimed at transforming them into White citizens (Adams, 1995; Morris, 1997). Although sometimes successfully productive of a menial labor force designed to assist a growing industrial economy, the end result more often than not has been to force individual students down one of two paths: internalizing the mores of the dominant society, or rejecting those mores entirely.

In the first instance, many American Indians who survived the mainstream's educational processes became cultural soldiers trained to return to their homes where they attempt to transform friends and family into examples of model citizens as defined by the dominant culture. Although this has had-and continues to have-seriously disruptive consequences on traditional models of Native education and life, a brief consideration of a typical model is illustrative.

Prior to European contact, many indigenous cultures educated their young in similar ways (Sanchez, 1997). Four stages of education typify an indigenous pedagogical paradigm: stage one took place from birth to around age five; stage two, from five to around age 12; stage three, from age 12 to around age 25, and the final stage began at about age 25 and included even the very elderly.

In the first stage, the young were seen as dependent, and were usually shown what measures were necessary for survival as a people. The emphasis here is not on individual physical survival, but on the cultural survival of the people as a community. They were taken and shown, for instance, how the community worked in different areas, and were not only allowed to experience what was being done, but were also encouraged to participate in those activities. Confidence and self-esteem flourished during this stage, and no absolute linear pedagogical device was in place to require that each individual learned according to the same pattern or at the same pace as any other individual.

In the second stage, the young usually became interested in one or possibly two major areas of study (any area of tribal activity where they were interested and their talents could contribute to the community). Because of the tribal nature of the community, education at this stage was handled by one or two mentors, who were active and talented in the appropriate area, and who were identified by the parents, and who were willing to assume the role of mentor for the young apprentice. The mentor's knowledge is shared with the younger tribal member, thereby proffering an education based in personal experience, on personal relationships, and through cultural saliency.

By extension, the next stage emphasizes service to the tribal community. The skills taught, learned, and practiced in the earlier period are now dedicated to the Nation. These skills are honed and developed with a focus on the communal good, and expertise is eventually acquired. During both this stage and the previous one, the individual is able to assimilate knowledge of new cultures and changing circumstances with tribal tradition, thus ensuring that the past was integrated with the present and the future.

In the final stage, the entire process comes full circle. The individual develops status as an Elder, and chooses an apprentice in order to pass on the skills that were developed over a life time. The tribal belief that everyone is both student and teacher is enacted, and the community is enhanced. The expectation is that learning never ceases, and the tribe has institutionalized learning so that tradition could be maintained while the community could adapt to changing circumstances. Because the focus is on the community and not on the individual, the entire tribal community was able to experience and to teach newly developed knowledge.

This type of non-linear, personalized and communal American Indian philosophy is not now widely practiced. As missionary-run schools, BIA boarding schools, and the continued presence of federally mandated educational policies still affect American Indian communities, the mentoring system of traditional tribal holistic education has largely dissolved, and has been replaced with the current, more linear educational philosophies demanded by the dominant culture. Relocation from traditional tribal lands to United States government reservations, the attrition of men and women killed by European diseases and in wars with the United States, the incarceration of traditional American Indian leaders and elders for daring to maintain indigenous tribal beliefs, and the forced destruction of tribal communities by the United States government all contributed to the dissolution of the indigenous pedagogical paradigm, even within traditional American Indian communities.

One consequence of these forces can be seen through the lens of an "assimilation time line." At one end of this time line is the model for how American Indians experienced their cultures prior to European contact. These cultures were unique, and were unrelated to the educational and cultural paradigms of Western experiences. At the other end of this time line is the total assimilation of American Indian cultural beliefs and practices into the American mainstream. Many contemporary American Indians have reached the assimilation end of this time line; no contemporary American Indian remains at the pre-contact end. Most contemporary American Indians fall somewhere in the middle, toward the assimilation end. One path that education has led to has thus enabled the processes of assimilation, to the detriment of traditional tribal cultures.

On the second path walk those who successfully resisted the transformative processes of the mainstream's educational system and who often were and are able to return to their homes where they could and can help themselves and others to protect and rebuild their religions and traditions. Perhaps the clearest legacy from these sorts of efforts is the adaptation of non-American Indian forms of technology to traditional American Indian goals and ways of life. There is evidence that these "transculturated" students do better in school, and lead more balanced lives after graduation than do assimilated students (Huffman, 1993). Distance education has the potential of assisting in transculturation.

Tribal Uses of Distance Education Technology

Within this context, the fact that American Indian nations increasingly are adopting and using technologies from non-American Indian communities in their efforts to further tribal ends is hardly surprising, and is quite encouraging. Not only do we find numerous Native managed listservs, but there are also a variety of "chat rooms" where American Indians from a variety of communities can meet in cyberspace to discuss issues, to meet friends, and to exchange ideas. In addition, many American Indian nations and their schools and colleges now maintain web pages. They are beginning to develop more fully the technologies associated with distance education, increasing their capacity to serve their populations often ranked as "poorly educated" by Eurocentric standards. Distance education offers the potential of overcoming many of the barriers to the education of American Indians. To understand why that is the case, a brief enumeration of these barriers is necessary.

Viewed from the perspective of those standards, the statistics on American Indian education are bleak: "Recent research points to Native American student performance that is below the national average: 52% finish high school; 17% attend college; 4% graduate from college and 2% attend graduate school" (Meyers, 1996-1997). The dropout rate among American Indians is roughly 45% on average, and is even higher in many communities (Cleary & Peacock, 1998, p. 83). This is due partly to a lack of financial resources.

This statistic is especially stark in contrast to the national averages, where median individual adult income is $27, 426 (Wage Index, 1999); unemployment is below ten percent.

The plethora of problems American Indian students face as a result of individual financial stress are exacerbated by family commitments. American Indian students often must first meet these obligations, then worry about their own situations. These tensions impose further burdens on students who may often lack adequate academic preparation for higher education. This is especially true in math and science, as few rural schools have the same standards or facilities in these areas as other schools. These disadvantages often lead to, and are deepened by, low faculty expectations, social and cultural isolation on mainstream campuses, and lack of support at home for the educational endeavor (Gavin, 1997, p. 13). Life is made even more difficult for American Indian students who must also face the unrelenting onslaughts of stereotyping and racism that emanate from the broadcast media, and from those who "learn" about American Indian peoples from those media (Sanchez, 1997). Beyond having to deal with the immediate consequences of behavior and attitudes engendered by stereotypes, as Cleary and Peacock (1998) observe, students must also contend with the fact that, "stereotypes can become expectations, which, in turn, can actually be lived out by those of whom they are expected" (p. 51).

Under the right conditions, these barriers can be at least partially reduced through the technologies of distance learning. They are particularly appropriate for American Indian students, who are, on average, significantly older than traditional college students, likely to have a history of dropping out and returning to school, and who generally suffer both financially and emotionally while in traditional colleges.

Considered optimistically, distance learning offers significant potential advantages for these students and for the communities where they reside. For example, evidence from Canada suggests that the links between sustainable economic development and distance education are clear (Wall & Owen, 1992). This is supported by evidence from the Rural Special Education Project, which, despite the problems caused by a lack of resources, was successful in its goals of certifying more culturally sensitive teachers (Anagal, Dobrowolski, Francis, Minner, Parish, & Prater, 1996). Similar programs have been successful at improving access to education for young American Indians with disabilities (Mayhew, Herbert, Done, Anagal, Dobrowolski, Francis, Minner, Parish, & Prater, 1996). In all these cases, the availability of distance education has made a substantial economic difference to community members most in need.

Further, there is at least some possibility that economic development need not inevitably mean the loss of cultural integrity. Tribal colleges are making concerted and apparently successful efforts to use distance learning to provide education for tribal members while also reflecting and sustaining tribal cultures (Ambler, 1994). The success of such programs is tied to local control and the culture-based nature of such education (Jewison, 1995; Newton & Knight, 1993). These principles have been successful in teaching a broad range of subjects, including computer literacy and science (Anderson, 1992).

Success stories like these indicate that the availability of technologies can go a long way toward compensating for under-funded, under-staffed, and otherwise under-resourced tribal schools and colleges, allowing them to educate more of their people in ways that will perpetuate traditional cultures while increasing skills and economic opportunities (Facility and Telecommunication Needs, 1994). The American Indian Higher Education Consortium (AIHEC) consequently has endorsed the extension of such programs, and hopes to be able to build a network linking the 31 tribal colleges, allowing more general use of resources (American Indian Higher Education Consortium [AIHEC], 1993).

At least two authors, noting the multiple problems with the current system of education that prevails in the United States, find in such tribal examples a future for all educational systems, that will rely more upon indigenous world views and cultural understandings (Berg & Ohler, 1991). Their hope (if not expectation) is that the technologies associated with distance education, which they see as closer to tribal models than to those of the dominant culture, will thus allow tribal cultures a larger place within that dominant culture. Navajo Community College, for instance, offers downloadable language courses, which are connected to programs at the University of New Mexico (Navajo Community College, 1997).

The key is the availability of distance education that is culturally sensitive-that understands the individual as part of a cultural community, and that is sensitive to the parameters of that community, recognizing that "distance" can be both cultural and geographic, and that effective learning requires the reduction of both (Cummins & Sayers, 1995). Elders-and others-remain concerned about the application of these technologies, however, for they seem to replace the traditional mode of face-to-face education, and thus the respect between teacher and student is endangered. If these issues can be addressed, this sort of solution is at least potentially viable in the context of tribally based education.

Tribes that use this technology are, for instance, using it to teach the same material that they teach in tribally controlled classrooms. The tribe can maintain cultural sensitivity by deciding who will be teaching, and what they will be teaching. Given the severe shortage of American Indian teachers, this technology can be used to increase the numbers of American Indian students who are taught by people who share their cultural and tribal values.

This element is especially important, as it allows for a form of mentoring to occur. This is particularly important for tribal members who have family obligations or who are unable to travel the often long distances to tribal schools. If the communication can be two-way (still a problem as only about one third of those living in reservation communities have phones), it becomes possible to connect these isolated people to their tribal communities on an on-going basis.

One problem with this, of course, is that it is impossible to ensure that only tribal members will have access to any information that is available using satellite transmissions. The goals are first, to make the technology widely available; second, to be sure that it contains tribally and culturally relevant material, and third, to restrict access. It is technically possible for tribes to fund sites that will have transmissions downlinked, but this is expensive and is not likely to occur anytime soon. At the moment, this problem is largely theoretical, as most tribes that use these technologies do so to teach standard material: English literature, algebra, and so on. There is, at the moment, little use of distance learning to teach tribal members-or anyone else-language or culture. Distance learning as a means of promoting traditional American Indian learning styles is currently thus more promise than reality, remaining only marginally connected to traditional education.

As this discussion has indicated, these technologies are not panaceas, however, and seriously logistical as well as cultural problems remain (McGreal, Sabourin, Simand, Tobin, & Violette, 1991). The most important of these logistical problems are the need for organization, planning, and coordination, devising and implementing ways of evaluating both courses and the means of offering them, and providing access to technologies and support systems. Resources and support are crucial to the success of a distance learning program (Means, 1993). Important elements here include the capacity for interactive communication such as e-mail, two-way video, and audio media (Haynes & Dillon, 1992; Martin & Rainey, 1993; Williams, 1983). Identification of specific student needs, opportunities for peer interaction, and help in maintaining motivation over time are also critical to the success of distance learning programs (Barker, 1992; Beare, 1989; Burge, Howard, & Ironside, 1991). These are demanding and expensive requirements, and may be prohibitively so for most tribes, despite the potential benefits. But if these problems can be overcome, the potential advantages are enormous.

The possibilities offered by distance learning have given rise to organizations like the National Indian Telecommunications Institute (NITI), which "is a dynamic, Native-founded, and run organization dedicated to using the power of electronic technologies to provide American Indian and Alaska Native communities with extensive educational tools, equal opportunity and a strong voice in self-determination" (NITI, 1997). In furtherance of these goals, NITI is developing a technological infrastructure and culturally sensitive applications for that infrastructure in twelve American Indian communities. Their involvement includes on and off site technology, training, teacher support, and curriculum development. This means that these communities have internet access through an 800 number, training for teachers and administrators in using its resources, and assistance in integrating technological tools into the curriculum at all educational levels. The goals of the programs organized and supported by NITI include economic development, language and cultural preservation, and self-determination (NITI, 1997).

If the communication can be two-way (still a problem as only about one third of those living in reservation communities have phones), it becomes possible to connect these isolated people to their tribal communities on an on-going basis.

One problem with this, of course, is that it is impossible to ensure that only tribal members will have access to any information that is available using satellite transmissions. The goals are first, to make the technology widely available; second, to be sure that it contains tribally and culturally relevant material, and third, to restrict access. It is technically possible for tribes to fund sites that will have transmissions downlinked, but this is expensive and is not likely to occur anytime soon. At the moment, this problem is largely theoretical, as most tribes that use these technologies do so to teach standard material: English literature, algebra, and so on. There is, at the moment, little use of distance learning to teach tribal members-or anyone else-language or culture. Distance learning as a means of promoting traditional American Indian learning styles is currently thus more promise than reality, remaining only marginally connected to traditional education.

As this discussion has indicated, these technologies are not panaceas, however, and seriously logistical as well as cultural problems remain (McGreal, Sabourin, Simand, Tobin, & Violette, 1991). The most important of these logistical problems are the need for organization, planning, and coordination, devising and implementing ways of evaluating both courses and the means of offering them, and providing access to technologies and support systems. Resources and support are crucial to the success of a distance learning program (Means, 1993). Important elements here include the capacity for interactive communication such as e-mail, two-way video, and audio media (Haynes & Dillon, 1992; Martin & Rainey, 1993; Williams, 1983). Identification of specific student needs, opportunities for peer interaction, and help in maintaining motivation over time are also critical to the success of distance learning programs (Barker, 1992; Beare, 1989; Burge, Howard, & Ironside, 1991). These are demanding and expensive requirements, and may be prohibitively so for most tribes, despite the potential benefits. But if these problems can be overcome, the potential advantages are enormous.

The possibilities offered by distance learning have given rise to organizations like the National Indian Telecommunications Institute (NITI), which "is a dynamic, Native-founded, and run organization dedicated to using the power of electronic technologies to provide American Indian and Alaska Native communities with extensive educational tools, equal opportunity and a strong voice in self-determination" (NITI, 1997). In furtherance of these goals, NITI is developing a technological infrastructure and culturally sensitive applications for that infrastructure in twelve American Indian communities. Their involvement includes on and off site technology, training, teacher support, and curriculum development. This means that these communities have internet access through an 800 number, training for teachers and administrators in using its resources, and assistance in integrating technological tools into the curriculum at all educational levels. The goals of the programs organized and supported by NITI include economic development, language and cultural preservation, and self-determination (NITI, 1997).

The possibilities of such programs are wonderfully illustrated by the example of the Gila River community in Arizona. This community, in cooperation with the Intel corporation and the All Indian Pueblo Council, designed a system to teach traditions and cultures as well as mainstream skills and information over electronic media. All the schools, including tribal, BIA, parochial, and public, are included in a community-wide network that includes system-wide e-mail capacity, internet access, opportunities for special education, school-to-work programs, and community-based education. The infrastructure is community-wide, and the content is tribally controlled and approved, so that the students are receiving the information they require to be competitive in ways that enhance rather then detract from their resident language and culture.

As Keith Franklin (1997) puts it, the goal is for the students to "know where we've been, where we are, and where we're going." The students from Gila River are excited about what they're doing, "pounding at the door to learn"; they are being given an "opportunity to be competitive with the rest of the world"; and the Gila River community in general is now able "to take a step into the future by introducing technology to their members" (Franklin, 1997). Importantly, all of this is occurring without the loss of tribal identity, language or culture, as the network that now unites the community and all its schools is adapted to culturally appropriate teaching techniques.

Alaska and Arizona, both large states with diverse indigenous populations, have probably made the most extensive use of these technologies. The University of Alaska Learning Cooperative, for instance, has included in its curriculum a course entitled "Native Ways of Knowing," which allowed for two-way "real time" communication between and among the instructor and students, and provided cultural reinforcement for indigenous peoples while also helping non-Natives to understand the indigenous cultures (University of Alaska Learning Cooperative, 1999).

Northern Arizona University now has as one of its institutional goals the support of American Indian education, and is increasingly looking to distance education as one way of meeting that goal. Programs based on these technologies are showing great promise, but are largely still in the planning and early implementation stages.

While interesting things are happening in large states with geographically dispersed populations, like Arizona and Alaska, tribal colleges in other regions are developing uses of distance learning technology that allow learning among diverse but geographically concentrated American Indian populations as well. One example of this is provided by Northwest Indian College (NIC) in Bellingham, Washington (Chervokas & Watson, 1998). NIC uses satellite technology to offer video, audio, and data course material "in everything from business management and accounting to native philosophy" (Chervokas & Watson, 1998). While they are having some trouble coordinating among and between the various schools involved, student enrollment is growing, and administrators are optimistic. Similar opportunities are available through the College of the Menominee Nation in partnership with the University of Wisconsin, Green Bay, with similar problems and similar optimism (College of the Menominee Nation, 1997).

These are not the only examples. According to Madonna Peltier Yawakie (1997), several other tribal nations are developing telecommunications plans that allows for upgrade of existing services and/or invest in technological infrastructures on reservations. These plans often provide for tribal or individual ownership of utility companies and the development of learning and/or information centers that provide for communication services, internet access, and/or video conferencing (p. 45).

Even more importantly, "In April of 1997, the National Tribal Telecommunications Alliance, a consortium of tribally owned telecommunication companies, was formed to address the shared issues and goals of these companies" (Yawakie, 1997, p. 46). This means that the various tribes can not only benefit from shared expertise and experience, but can devise basic strategies to maintain culture and implement standards of cultural appropriateness. While these strategies and standards will vary across tribal communities, the fact that such a consortium exists will do much to assist even the smaller tribes in implementing some form of distance learning technologies at affordable rates.

At the moment, there are still problems with connectivity, with supporting the cost, with preserving the sanctity of tribal cultural information, and with ensuring that the technologies are used to promote rather than to undermine tribal goals. Thus, these technologies are currently more promise than reality, but these examples and developments point to the fact that American Indian peoples themselves see enormous potential in the new technologies offered through the expansion of the electronic media. That they are the ones in control of their own education and that they are seeking to exploit these technologies for their own purposes are exciting developments in the uses of such technologies.

Conclusions

Distance education is an important part of the American educational system, and all indications are that it is likely to increase in importance (Dillon & Cintron, 1997). The availability of general educational skills to those who have previously been denied access to such skills and the opportunities that they provide is a significant advantage of such technological developments. Distance education offers more than just access to skills and information, however. More importantly, it may provide an avenue for a return to more traditional cultural mores. This is an especially inviting possibility since distance learning technologies are being developed in cooperation with, and the curricula are being controlled by, the relevant American Indian nations, thus reflecting the values and respect of the traditional norms of the tribal cultures.

In traditional tribal education, for instance, the ethos that "everyone teaches one" led to a mentoring system of education, where learning proceeded "from one heart to another" (Axtell & Aragon, 1997, p. 19). Under the right conditions, distance education and its attendant technologies may well serve to help revitalize Native mentoring systems. For instance, through satellite communication and innovations such as Picture-Tel, currently in use in some tribal venues, the individuals concerned can communicate face to face even across vast geographical areas. For those people who have been cut off from access to their cultures as well as to mainstream education by geographic inaccessibility or other means, distance learning can be a powerful way of reconnecting them to their own cultures while providing them with skills and information that will improve their educational and vocational status.

Once these people are reconnected to their cultures, they attain both the ability and the power to become transmitters of that culture in their own homes. Much as those who sponsored the boarding schools hoped to turn their graduates into cultural soldiers fomenting assimilation in their reservation communities, those with access to distance learning may be empowered to become soldiers in the service of their resident traditional cultures.

This possibility is all the more enticing because of two important shifts throughout Indian Country. First, more students than ever before are now in school. Not only are tribal communities growing, but as schools are increasingly under tribal control, and as education is less often associated with cultural destruction, more students are attending school, and more students are staying in school longer (U.S. Department of Education, 1998, pp. 1-20). Second, there is an increasing interest among younger American Indians in learning about and maintaining tribal cultures (Reyner & Eder, 1994). As the policies of the national government have stressed self-determination and the preservation rather than the destruction of tribal cultures, American Indian people have responded by initiating programs designed to protect and promote their languages and cultures.

On the other hand, despite the fact that recent developments point toward solid reasons for optimism, some key strictures call for tempering that optimism. One of those strictures is the inordinate difficulty of merging decidedly technological means with decidedly non-technological goals. Distance technology makes it difficult to fulfill cultural expectations regarding face-to-face interaction, to preserve the sacredness of the spoken word, and to maintain privacy permeating the exchange of privileged information. Distance educators are denied opportunities to earn the respect of their students through consistent demonstration of concern and cultural competence and participation in the cultural life of the community they seek to assist. These issues can create attitudes of caution and concern in tribal communities.

In addition, distance education can, on the one hand, threaten the integrity of tribal communities, while on the other, these technologies can also promote tribal cultures. Thus, it is crucial that such education be tribally controlled. So long as distance education is tribally controlled and the teachers who participate in distance education programs are strongly committed to the maintenance of tribal cultures, the students who are being reached through these programs are being taught in ways that are both culturally sensitive and culturally appropriate.

Under culturally sensitive conditions, tribally controlled distance learning may well offer tribal communities ways of improving their economic positions by improving the economic status of their members while simultaneously reinforcing and recreating their resident cultures and languages. Such conditions, by extension, would promote mentoring, foreground ways that distance education can contribute to tribal service needs, emphasize indigenous learning styles, directly and immediately address issues of tribal privacy, and provide seemingly unlimited opportunities for distance learners to validate their own cultures and to be validated by them. Through these technologies, in other words, some of the effects of past educational policies might be repaired, and a future of indigenous peoples' own making, measured against their own horizons, might be enabled.

Endnotes
1. It should be noted that distance education has an important international component. In focusing on the United States we are not intending to minimize the importance of that component.