Volume 36 Number 3
Spring 1997

Cultural and traditional knowledge refers to the system of shared experiences by a group of people. The ways people meet their needs, carry out their daily rituals, and organize and express themselves make up their culture and patterns emerge through a dynamic, interactive process involving belief systems, past and present needs and interests, and future dreams (Maehr & Stallings, 1975).

The social actions of participants in a culture indicate what is relevant to the culture, what is stable, what is changing, and parents play a key role in transmitting this knowledge to children. An extensive and growing body of literature documents the importance of school and family connections and research recognizes that parental belief systems are critical to cognitive and social development in young children (Epstein & Scott-Jones, 1992; Greenwood & Hickman, 1991; Sigel, 1985). Moreover, parental perceptions are important in developing culturally appropriate pedagogy and to assuring consistency between the home and the school (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Swick, 1987). Bridging the gap between home, school, and community is especially important for the economically disadvantaged child and the culturally different child (Scott-Jones, 1987; Villegas, 1990).

Vygotsky (1956) emphasized that child development takes place within the realm of the child's interactions with adults. What the child cannot do alone, he/she may be able to do with an adult's help. Vygotsky termed this the "zone of proximal development," where the baseline is what the child can do alone, without help, and the range of possibilities is determined by what a child can do with adult help.

Vygotsky believed that what a child can do today, with help from an adult or a more competent member of the culture, tomorrow he will be able to do alone.

In the traditional Alaska Native culture, parents and other significant family members are responsible for teaching children cultural knowledge not available within the realm of public education. Many indigenous cultures, including Alaska Native, are hunting and gathering cultures. As in other native cultures, living a "subsistence lifestyle" for the Alaska Native refers to many aspects of their culture (Cajete, 1994; Fienup-Riordan, 1990). Their culture and traditional knowledge are both stable and changing due to influences which effect the rural Alaska Native lifestyle (i.e., hunting regulations, land uses, contemporary influences on traditional and spiritual beliefs, and education) (Fienup-Riordon, 1990). It is important to note that Alaska Native people report that they are not asked to share their knowledge in public school classrooms (Dubbs, 1982; Kawagley, 1993, 1995; Ongtooguk, 1994). Therefore, it is important to document parental perceptions of change as they relate to childrearing and teaching practices and to examine their implications for the future education of Alaska's Native children.

The present study is an effort to provide some data on (1) parents' perceptions of skills which are important for children to learn, (2) when parents perceive a child is "ready to learn," and (3) parents' perceptions regarding skills needed for the future. Furthermore, this study examines parents' perceptions of learning and development to increase their involvement in education.

Background Information

Southwest rural Alaska is an area economically depressed by most cash based indexes. Employment is mostly seasonal and related to the fishing industry. Other sparse employment opportunities are community-service oriented and education or government related. The people who live in the region depend upon the land and natural resources for their economic as well as socio-cultural well-being. Subsistence activities provide not only essential but preferred sources of food for the residents and provide important links to native cultural traditions (Fienup-Riordan, 1990).

Subsistence activities play a vital role in the life of all villages in the southwest region, with subsistence harvests being among the highest in the state of Alaska. Residents in the communities of this area show a high percentage of involvement in various kinds of subsistence activities (Alaska Department of Fish & Game [ADFG], 1992).

Subsistence is the means whereby the majority of the region's residents provide food, clothing, and shelter for their families. The Division of Subsistence of the Alaska Department of Fish and Game has documented that the subsistence role in the lives of many rural residents of Alaska has remained consistent over the past twenty (ADFG, 1992). Even so, it is difficult to place a monetary value on the worth of subsistence goods, services, and labor as these are variable depending on availability, desirability of resources, season and consumption (ADGF, 1992). Labor in subsistence economies is based on division between men, women, and children and is determined by age, gender, task, skill, and training. Other factors which affect subsistence activities include equipment, kinship, social organization, capital, time, season, location, reciprocity and distribution systems (Lonner, 1986).

A survey of residents in two villages in the southwest area of rural Alaska was conducted to learn how families pass on cultural knowledge and skills. Family members including children perform such tasks as catching and preparing salmon (i.e., set nets, cutting, smoking), berry picking, and ice fishing. They hunt and butcher caribou, moose, bear, seal and various other land and sea animals. In addition, family members stretch, sew, and tan skins. Other subsistence activities include harvesting plants such as wild celery, wild onion, wild rhubarb, and wild spinach; gathering firewood and sea gull eggs; utilizing a variety of fish-Dolly Varden, pike, and cod; and trapping-otter, fox, and mink (pelts).

This research stems from a larger project of the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Subsistence Division (1994). The objectives of the larger study involved documenting enculturation within the subsistence economy, describing roles with the subsistence economy, identifying values connected with the system, and describing people's images of the future and the role of subsistence.

Members of two small communities in the southwest region were interviewed. The population of the villages consists of mostly Natives (Athabascan Indians, Yup'ik speaking Eskimos, and Aleuts) and some non-natives. The criteria for selection were that the household had children who were living in the home and that at least one parent was native. There were 41 parents (17 females and 24 males) ranging in age from late 20s to early 60s. The majority of respondents were 40 to 50 years of age.

A survey was conducted in an informal manner by two researchers trained in interview techniques. An interview protocol regarding the subsistence activities of children was designed and revised on the basis of local input and review. The interview protocol consisted of seven questions and was used as a guide by the interviewers.

To analyze interview data, the transcriptions of interviews were examined by two researchers to determine a first-level code list. Each researcher coded data independently. Double-coding allowed the researchers to code the same data set and discuss their initial findings. The codes were defined so that they could be consistently applied by multiple researchers. The codes were examined for emerging patterns or themes within each interview and between interviews (Miles & Huberman, 1984).

When asked "how do you decide when your children are ready to learn?", parents responded similarly. As shown in Table 1, respondents' answers fell primarily into three categories: 1) watching, 2) shows interest, and 3) age.

Although several parents used combinations of these explanations, a pattern emerged. It appears that a child, often at a young age before five years old, watches his or her parents while they engage in subsistence activities. When the child begins to show an interest by asking questions, parents give demonstrations focused at the child. The following quotations are examples of parents' comments:

It can be inferred that the children are exposed to the different skills at a very early age. Several key respondents mentioned learning and teaching their children at camps set up to engage in specific subsistence activities, such as tapping, fishing, and hunting, where all members of a family were encouraged to watch or help.

Several parents explained that they had never been specifically instructed on how to master a skill and that they learned by watching and trying it themselves. In addition, parents mentioned specific verbal instructions that were given to complete a task. For example, regarding splitting fish, instructions were given about cleaning, brining, and smoking the fish.

Question 2:
What subsistence skills are most important for girls to learn?

In response to questions regarding what is taught to female children, parents listed traditional skills. Skills most often mentioned were fishing, processing fish in some manner, and berry picking (n=66, 63%). Fishing is defined as set-net fishing and ice fishing and processing refers to other skills such as "splitting fish" or "cutting fish," smoking, canning or salting salmon. Other skills mentioned (n=33, 31%) included hunting, processing meat (cutting, storing, and drying), cooking, housework, and needlework (i.e., sewing skins, other sewing, knitting and crocheting). Only 5% of the answers indicated that it was necessary for girls to know "everything." In several cases it appears this response was given to convey that parents felt opportunities should not be closed to their daughters just because of their gender. In other cases parents attached the qualifying statement that their daughters needed to know how to hunt and cook in a camp in case they needed to survive,

One parent mentioned that she "helped her mom put up fish when she was five or six." She now teaches "just the way my mom taught me . . . tradition is passed on from generation to generation." Comments indicate that the parents in this study shaped their practices in terms of their beliefs about how children learn and how the parents themselves were taught.

Question 3:
What subsistence skills are most important for boys to learn?

In response to questions regarding differences in what is taught to male children, parents again listed traditional skills. The most frequently mentioned skills were fishing and hunting (n=41, 49%). Other skills mentioned (n=28, 33%) included trapping, processing the meat (butchering and storing), skinning and stretching skins, berry picking, using a dog team, making a steam bath (including cutting wood), housework, and cooking. Some parents (n=5, 6%) said "everything" which sometimes included skills traditionally taught to girls and other times refers to the wide range of skills needed to survive in the area. Other parents (n=9, 10%) specifically mentioned survival skills such as "living off the land," "making camps," and "surviving storms."

Question 4:
Where so you think your children will be living in 10 years?

Parents in the communities gave a wide range of answers. The majority of responses (n=13, 33%) by parents indicated that their child would live in their present village or a neighboring village. Every parent having children under 10 years old responded that they would be living "locally" or "with me."

Other answers indicated that the parents were not sure where the children would be living. For example, parents said "wherever they want" or "they have minds of their own." Other answers indicated that the children would move from their present location. Answers which indicated this were "they will move," "city," or a specific location such as Anchorage or California.

Question 5:
What do you think they will be doing there?

Many parents (n=9) reported that their children would still be in the village attending the public school. Other parents (n=5) indicated their child would have a job or mentioned a variety of job types. Two parents indicated their children would get post-secondary or vocational training. Three parents said they did not know what their child would be doing. The remaining group of parents (n=9) indicated the child would have to decide on their own.

One parent summed up his feelings as follows:

Question 6:
Where would you like them to be living?

Again, parents' general responses were that they wanted their children to live in their community. Parents mentioned post-secondary education, some indicating they wanted their children to return to their present community after schooling and others indicating they would like their children to be living where there are jobs for them. Those parents with children under 10 years old universally responded that the children would be in school.

Question 7:

What things are most important for young people to learn to be well-prepared for the future?

Some form of education was the most common response, either public education (K-12), college, or vocational training. Specific answers included computer technology, record keeping, money management. When "western culture" was mentioned, it included the work ethic, city life, car driving, making money, spending money wisely, and reading airline and bus schedules.

Many parents also mentioned that knowing the traditional way of life was important, including knowing the Yup'ik language, and knowing how to survive on the land. Several parents mentioned that children need to know how to live in "two worlds."

Parents' responses regarding the future of their children fell into three general categories: (1) parents who felt their children would stay and carry on a traditional subsistence lifestyle, (2) parents who seemed to feel a sense of loss or helplessness because the economy cannot support their children and their families, and (3) parents who feel their children will have a choice or will do as they please.

Parents who felt their children would remain in the area and continue the present lifestyle responded with key phrases such as "the child would find no job outside the community," " the bush was a safer place than the city," or that their child may or may not be "the working kind." Answers indicated that the lifestyle in the village is easier, that there is more freedom in the village, and that the city life-style was different from that to which their children were accustomed.

Other parents indicated a lack of opportunity in the village. For example, some responses were "hopefully they won't be sitting around here," "someplace besides here," and "there won't be anything for them around here." One parent said, "If I had my way [she would return] and learn her roots. . . . It's different now than when I was growing up." Another parent commented, "She calls it boring around here, and she's right. My kids have nothing to do." This group of parents mentioned specific jobs or occupations available outside of the village such as military service, college, public relations or business.

The third category of parents felt their children have a choice or will do as they please. They indicated that they wanted their children to live in both the traditional world and the western world. These parents expressed a desire to preserve traditional values but also to incorporate and adopt western cultural values.

Discussion

The present study examined parents' perceptions regarding the transmission of subsistence skills to their children. Consistent with prior research, the subsistence life-style appears to be a relevant part of the children's lives in rural Alaska and the importance of these skills to a subsistence life-style cannot be under-estimated.

In teaching subsistence skills, the parents demonstrate an understanding of how children may learn and how they may develop. The results of this study indicated that the parents exposed the child to skills at an early age, modeled skills, and encouraged the child to watch them. Parents, relatives or older siblings then gave direct instruction when the child requested it or showed an interest in learning the skill.

Parents' comments indicated that traditional gender roles, for cultural and physical reasons, still play a major part in the division of labor and in deciding which skill is emphasized. Even though there was a division of skill emphasis by gender (i.e., emphasis on berry picking for girls, hunting for boys), it appeared that children's experiences in this study were broad and regardless of gender, were given direct instruction in those skills if they were interested.

One pattern noted in this study was that the rural Alaskan child is exposed to a wide range of skills. It appears that much of the exposure occurs serendipitously at camps set up for processing subsistence foods. This is a family affair where the child is involved at his/her developmental level or when interest is expressed. Much of the child's exposure depends on the season, the equipment used, parental expectations (i.e., if the child needs to learn survival skills or if skills are taught depending upon gender), and how the parents themselves were taught (i.e., subsistence skills taught to one generation by another).

Parental responses in this study indicate an awareness that the traditional way of living is changing. It appears that the residents of these small villages in rural Alaska are faced with a dilemma: the continuation of a subsistence way of life versus finding a job to support a family. Since most employment in the area is related to the fishing industry or community-oriented, employment opportunities are sparse. If the child chooses to move from the village for economic reasons, the integrity of the village life may be threatened. This may affect the close kinship ties and the social organization of the village (Lonner, 1986). This finding is consistent with previous research (Fienup-Riordan, 1990).

As recommended by The Final Report of the White House Conference on Indian Education (1992), integrating culture and tradition into the educational process contributes to the well-being of the community. Understanding and appreciating the knowledge that children bring to school is important. Subsistence skills can be a connection to the culture and analyzed for their educational value. For example, the involvement of family members at fish camp would show many opportunities to develop motor skills, cognitive skills, language arts, and social-emotional skills. Further analysis would reveal academic skills involving math, science, language arts, music and movement.

Furthermore, educators need to examine the skills taught by gender for their educational value. For example, needlework was cited as a traditional skill taught to girls. The child's experiences with needlework could aid in the understanding of many mathematical concepts: the use of patterning, symmetry, measuring, planning, problem solving, decision making, one to one correspondence, estimation, and prediction. The development of fine motor skills, perceptual-motor coordination (i.e., eye/hand coordination), and social skills must also be considered. Fishing and hunting are primary skills taught to young males. The educational value of these skills involves the development of perceptual motor skills, fine and gross motor skills, and social skills. The development of higher order thinking skills such as developing moral values, inference skills, and prediction skills must be examined.

Vygotsky's view of the importance of adult/child interaction takes on a new meaning when educator's reflect upon the skills that parents in rural Alaska teach their children. Considering the necessity of performing duties correctly which may guarantee survival in the severe climatic conditions existing in Alaska, the use of modeling behaviors, responsive instruction and intergenerational mentoring are effective teaching strategies for acquiring new behaviors. Educators of Alaska Native children need to be aware and incorporate these strategies with "hands-on" activities to develop more culturally-appropriate pedagogy. Moreover, involving parents of different cultures in education and understanding parents' perceptions aids the educator in developing curriculum that is relevant for children, culturally-appropriate, and connects to their prior knowledge and experiences.

These issues identified in Native communities in Alaska are similar to issues in Native communities globally. Educational and cultural priorities must be a consideration when planning for Native children and future generations (U.S. Department of Education, 1991). Specially designed curriculum is needed if children are experiencing a changing lifestyle, if a direct link is to form between home and school, and if parents teach skills deemed important for survival that are not reinforced in the realm of public education. Given this, the following recommendations are made:

1. Programs that train persons interested in the welfare of young children should encourage the integration of cultural values. Teachers should be trained to respond to the differing cultural aspects of a region: religion, living styles, and economics. Adequate and appropriate in-service training programs must be designed and provided to all educational employees (White House Conference on Indian Education, 1992). This is especially important for the continued existence of endangered tribal communities such as those in rural southwest Alaska.

2. Teachers should improve their cultural sensitivity and knowledge of the diverse needs and strengths of families. The teacher needs to ensure that the culture of the classroom does not clash with the expectations of the home and community. School and community functions should be based on the cultural resources of the area. Knowledgeable Elders are important teachers in the historical, cultural, and practical knowledge and should be encouraged by less knowledgeable teachers to be an integral part of the educational process (U.S. Department of Education, 1991).

3. Educators should foster attitudes and skills that children bring to school from home. Home-visits should be a regular part of the educational delivery system. Parent involvement programs should provide a wide range of opportunities for parents of different cultures to be involved in their child's education. To begin, educators and parents need to decide upon common goals which can be reinforced in the home and in the classroom. When home learning is validated and connected to what they learn in school, students can begin to explore what they need to know to experience productive lives (U.S. Department of Education, 1991).

4. Curriculum should be developed to aid teachers in implementing strategies for facilitating change in the communities. Exposure to a variety of educational and vocational opportunities should be included in the curriculum as early as the preschool years. Training for a variety of jobs needs to be creative, involve entrepreneurs, and offered to students along with college preparation and counseling.

In summary, parental perceptions can add an important element to the educator's understanding of a differing culture. Empowering families to be active participants in the learning environment is one goal toward improving Native education services (White House Conference on Indian Education, 1992). Parents and teachers should be active partners in the education of children, blending traditional culture and modern educational practices to prepare children of differing cultures to live in two worlds. With growing ethnic minorities and the trend of the teaching force to be predominantly white, we must continue to explore ways to bridge the gap between home, school and community.

This study indicates that parental teachings should play a role in the development of curriculum and pedagogy for teaching Alaska Native students. This also raises a number of questions concerning how Alaska Native students integrate the cultural and traditional knowledge passed to them from their parents and other family members. How do the group setting and the influence of extended family members effect learning? How do teaching strategies such as modeling and direct instruction compare to a "hands-on" constructivist strategy? Designing research to observe, record data, and compare different methodologies for teaching in the classrooms of Alaska Native students is needed.

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