Volume 32 Number 3
May 1993

Jerilyn R. Grignon

A Menominee Indian student sees her 8th-grade counselor one spring day before entering high school. With the counselor's help, she selects a set of courses in which she has access to a computer. Her decision to enroll in these courses provides opportunities for later coursetaking in high school that may culminate in a career in computers or in a computer-related field. Her decision not to enroll, on the other hand, constrains her options, making it less likely that she will enter one of the fastest growing areas of employment opportunity (Verble & Walton, 1983).

Oakes (1990) has used the notion of an educational pipeline to describe the links between earlier and later coursetaking and eventual career opportunities. A working assumption for this Menominee study based on Oakes' work was that a lack of appropriate coursework would impact a student's entrance to college programs and eventually to selected careers. A second assumption used in this study was that because women are poorly represented in fields that require extensive use of computers (National Advisory Programs of Women's Educational Programs, 1981; Sanders, 1983; 1985), women on the reservation might face similar problems in the formation of their computer experience. For the purpose of this study, it was necessary to document where students' computer experience was obtained in order to understand the emerging patterns for Menominee females in their experience with computer courseware and their progress in the coursework pipeline.

Computers and computer-related devices permeate almost every aspect of daily living on the Menominee reservation: in schools, homes, places of work, and those areas of life that provide for basic sustenance–resource management, medical services, energy production, food processing, general communications, and more recently in the gaming industry. The first computers appeared in the Menominee Indian School District (MISD) in the mid 1970s with Title I mathematics programs. Subsequently, other programs such as a special education and a high school alternative program added computers to the curriculum. Continuous efforts to develop a more comprehensive program within all classes in the early 1980s was facilitated by Chapter II block grants to purchase computer hardware for labs (Harmon, Anderson, & Bowles, 1984). By 1985, computer labs were established at the upper elementary, junior high, and senior high school levels.

With hardware in place, what types of computer experience did Menominee students have access to? Were there significant differences in where students received their experience–in school or non-school situations as suggested in studies of the general population of students (Collis, Therrien, Kass, Kieran, & Wood, 1988; Lockheed, Thorpe, Brooks-Gunn, Casserly, & McAloon, 1985)? Were there inequitable differences in types of software used (Becker, 1985; 1986; Collis et al., 1988; Hess & Miura, 1983; Liebermann, 1985)? Was usage limited for female students as suggested in other studies where females were not enrolled in equal proportions to male students (Cusick, Johnson, & Wolfe, 1986; Dossey, Mullis, Lindquist, & Chambers, 1988; Gilliland, 1981; Lipkin & McCormick, 1985; Lockheed, Neilsen, & Stone, 1985; Lockheed, Thorpe, Brooks-Gunn, Casserly, & McAloon, 1985; Miura & Hess, 1983; Sheingold, Kane & Endreweit, 1983)? The purpose of this study was to determine if Menominee females were enrolled in equitable proportions in classes that used computers, had access to similar software, and generally were afforded opportunities to obtain similar experiences as their male counterparts.

Women's career participation in computer-related fields is well-documented in the literature. The under-representation of women in computer-related fields is noted by Anderson, 1983; Fries, 1987; Marrett and Matthews, 1984; Medicine, 1978; Nuske, 1987; and Verble and Walton, 1983. Several researchers documented the under-representation of women in advanced computer coursework (Cusick et al., 1986; Dossey et al., 1988; Gilliland, 1981; Lipkin & McCormick, 1985; Lockheed, Nielsen, & Stone, 1985; Miura & Hess, 1983; Oakes, 1990; Sheingold et al., 1983). However, only one study looked at the enrollment in computer coursework for American Indian women (Witthun, 1982).

The impact of uneven enrollment is magnified by statistics that show women in the general population heavily represented in computer occupations that pay $10,000, yet rarely do women constitute a great percentage of those occupations that pay more than $30,000. In 1984, women in computer occupations were 63% of the computer operators who netted a $12,000 annual salary (Sanders, 1983), 35% of the programmers whose net was $23,000 annually, and 4% of the electrical and electronic engineering technicians who net $31,000 per year (Sanders, 1985). If these pay scale inequities were placed within the order of generalized employment power by earning capacity, the conditions for women and minority women become more conspicuous. A lack of computer coursework represents a serious handicap to minority women when examining all full-time, year-round workers. The case for minority women in the general work sector as reported by the National Advisory Programs of Women's Educational Programs (198 1) showed the comparison of men and women by ethnicity. Earning power was headed by non-minority males followed by minority males, non-minority females, and last were minority women.

It is tempting to generalize from national statistics concerning computer and computer-related careers for minorities to the case for Indians, and also to generalize from the case for White men and women to American Indian men and women. But, national reports fail to present an accurate picture for specific American Indian populations, especially for Menominee women. National statistics used to speculate on local situations are not generalizable in such a straightforward manner. Most statistical information for minorities is based on cultures other than specific American Indian groups. However, there may be some meaningful, if only tentative, comparisons.

For American Indian women, usual career choices include the fields of social work and teaching. Nationally, a majority of American Indians enrolled in education and the social sciences (Anderson, 1983; Fries, 1987; Marrett & Matthews, 1984; Medicine, 1978; Nuske, 1987; Verble & Walton, 1983). Locally, of 42 bachelors degrees awarded to Menominee women between 1976 and 1986, 31% were in social work and 20% in teaching (Nuske, 1987). The remaining career categories represented a variety of fields, but they were not careers that would require a strong preparation in science, mathematics, and/or computers.

In Minnesota, enrollment by American Indian high school students in computer classes and in mathematics classes that used computers has been minimal (Witthun, 1982). In the general population, women were under-represented in computer classes when compared to men (Witthun, 1982). However, in the Minnesota study, no significant differences were found in American Indian female enrollment as compared to American Indian male enrollment. Similar data are needed in Wisconsin to substantiate Menominee Indian enrollment patterns. Even with national data sets, the participation of American Indian women needs to be reviewed. Indeed, just as under-representation has been a problem for females in general (Cusick et al., 1986; Dossey et al., 1988; Gilliland, 1981; Lipkin & McCormick, 1985; Lockheed, Nielsen, & Stone, 1985; Miura & Hess, 1983; Sheingold et al., 1983), patterns might also emerge where Menominee females represent the minority in high school computer courses.

If Menominee females are not equitably represented in the computer classroom then representation in computer and computer-related careers for Menominee females will also be inequitable just as under-representation was expressed through inequitable patterns established for non-Indian populations. Therefore, it is not only necessary to establish the representation levels of Menominee females in particular career fields but, then, to also investigate the phenomenon of coursetaking along those same gender lines because coursetaking undergirds representation in eventual career choices. A basic question for this study was to examine if Menominee females were enrolled in equitable proportions in classes that used computers, had access to similar software, and generally were afforded opportunities to obtain similar experiences as their male counterparts.

Data from a survey questionnaire were used to provide baseline information about the levels of students' computer experience; where that experience was obtained, what types of software were used, and in what courses students enrolled. Each of these data sets collected from the same sample were analyzed and results were tabulated separately.

The sample size included forty 8th-grade students and thirty-one 12th-grade students from the Menominee Indian School District (MISD). In the 8th-grade, there were 18 males and 22 females (n8=40). In the 12th-grade, there were 13 males and 18 females (n12=31). The total sample by gender numbered 31 males (nm=3 1) and 40 females (nf=40).

All students from 8th- and 12th-grade in the Menominee Indian School District indicated their tribal affiliation on a survey questionnaire. Seventy-six percent of the sample reported Menominee as their only tribal affiliation. An additional 14% of the students reported a combined membership in Menominee and other Wisconsin American Indian tribes, namely the Oneida, Potawatomi, and Stockbridge-Munsee. Overall, 99% of the students were of American Indian descent.

Data were collected via a survey questionnaire designed to measure school transfer history and three components of instructional experience: where the majority of computer experience was obtained (situational), what types of computer software were used (contextual), and what enrollment patterns were present (coursetaking). Whether or not these computer experiences were obtained in one school system was gathered so that inferences about school experiences could be attributable to the Menominee Indian School District and appropriate steps taken to adjust curriculum.

To gather information needed to establish that students had similar types of learning on, about, and from computers, students indicated whether or not they had attended a public or parochial, alternative school or Indian boarding school during the preceding four school years. In general, few l2th-grade students from this sample reported attending any other school than MISD. Counting actual transfers, all l2th-grade students were enrolled in schools that used computers (based on major purchases in Wisconsin public school districts from Chapter II grants in the early 1980s and from information garnered from student interviews). However, for the 8th-grade sample, there could be differences in the 8th-grade experiences as only 60% of the students who attended public schools reported no transfers between parochial or public schools. Students in 8th-grade who did change schools, transferred gradually; approximately two to four students per year transferred to the public school after 4th-grade. Another 10% of the sample transferred back and forth between schools more than once. Thus, for 8th-grade students, transfer patterns may have been a contributing factor in differential computer experiences.

Results from the survey questionnaire containing prior experience data were collected from 8th- and 12th-grade students during the final month of the school year in their respective Language Arts and English classrooms. The following sections delineate the situational, contextual, and coursetaking variables to speculate on differing instructional experience.

Table 1

Percentage of Students Using Computers in Various Situations

*Of the 13 male students, 100% used computers in school. Of the 18 female students, 94% used computers in school.

**Home use is broadly construed here within an extended family system.

The data were compiled to examine both formal and informal instructional situations in school and non-school settings. Table 1 shows that Menominee students received most of their computer experience in formal school settings. Nearly 100% of the students at the 8th- and l2th-grade reported using computers in school. Approximately half of all students in each grade used computers in the home. Use in other settings revealed no significant differences between males and females either in school or home, nor were there significant differences in extracurricular activities, camp, and job experiences for either grade.

Clearly, the vast majority of computer use occurred in the school and somewhat less so in the home. What must be noted in regard to "home use" is the supposition that the respondent owned a home computer. Although this was the case for many students, it was not a common occurrence. Many "yes" answers were based on use of computers in a relative's or a neighbor's house and/or sometimes a mother or uncle brought a computer home to familiarize themselves with computer programs, to practice office applications, or to finish office work (indeed the Menominee Indian School District encouraged more and better use of computers by allowing staff to take computers home on weekends and during school vacations). The home use of computers epitomizes the interrelationship of extended family members and the sense of community who in this sense share the use of computers. Therefore, one should not mistake computer use in the home as meaning owning a home computer. Rather, one should recognize shared experiences within a family and an extended kinship system within the home, the neighborhood, and within the tribal community. Computer use was maximized through shared experiences and discussing individual ownership in computers would be misleading and therefore was not a factor considered in this investigation. In essence, home use provided notable experience for some students in addition to their school experience.

Contextual variables (software applications) included the types of computer software used in school and non-school settings–games, graphics, programming, word processing, spreadsheets, databases, desktop publishing, and coursework. Since most of the experiences that students obtained were in school and the home, only these settings were used when comparing experience by gender. Table 2 shows the percentage of computer use in the school setting by application. Across both grade and gender in school. games, graphics, word processing, and coursework were the predominant applications that students used. While 8th-grade students concentrated on word processing, games, and course content; 12th-grade students concentrated their experience on graphics, programming, databases, and desktop publishing. Neither grade reported any use of spreadsheets.

Furthermore, high school experiences were more differentiated between males and females than were the experiences of 8th-grade students. More 12th-grade males–69%--reported using games in school compared to females–17% (Chi-square (1, N = 31) = 9.93, p < .05). Similarly, a significant difference was found for the use of graphics software; 85% of the males reported using graphics compared to 44% of the females in the same grade (Chi square (1, N = 31) 6.79, p < .05).

Table 2

Percentage of Students Using Computers in School by Application

In addition to significant differences, there were educationally important differences which occurred in programming. If one were to walk into a computer science class and see eight females compared to nine males, there would appear to be no gender differences; yet proportionally, the direction of difference favors males in the only class that carries on intensive work with computer programming in the l2th-grade. Given that programming represents highly skilled tasks in gaining experience and more extensive opportunities to work with computers, the fact that females were represented in disproportionate numbers in this area accentuates gender differences. First surfacing in the 8th-grade, these significant differences (reported in the following pages) favor males in programming at home.

Table 3

Percentage of Students Using Computers in the Home

*Of the 13 male students, 54% had used computer games in the home.

Of the 18 female students, 39% had used computer games in the home.

**Chi Square = 3.84, df = 1, p <.05

***Chi Square (1, N = 40) = 3.96

To reiterate, an examination of the contextual variables showed that 12th-grade males obtained significantly more experiences than l2th-grade females with games and graphics in school settings, and that 8th-grade males obtained significantly more experiences than 8th-grade females in programming at home. Generally, male and female differences at the 8th-grade were small and actually appeared to represent similar experiences in the types of software used. One could speculate that these similarities change after students become exposed to the curricular course structure in the high school. However, software experiences differ between classes that focus on computers and those classes that use computers, but have a non-computer based curriculum. Thus, enrollment or coursetaking becomes very important.

To analyze coursetaking, student courses were grouped as elective courses (business education and computer science) and required coursework (English, science, language arts). Although guidance was not a discrete course, the guidance teacher presented access to a computerized program in which all students inventoried their interests and mapped out possible careers and post secondary opportunities for themselves. A second separation grouped together those classes in which computers were the curricular focus and apart from classes that focused on a non-computer curriculum. High school business education and computer science were elective courses where the curricular focus was on the use of computer applications–programming, word processing, and limited graphics. None of the required courses (science or technical education) focused on a computer curriculum as such, but students used computers to learn academic content. In contrast, the curriculum in 8th-grade language arts classes combined a computer-focused curriculum and offered activities that focused on learning content as well.

Given this 8th-grade structure of a computer focus in a required course/language arts–there were few gender differences. Contrastingly, in high school, gender differences appeared showing fewer 12th-grade females enrolled in technical education in significantly disproportionate numbers. Table 4 shows that nearly 70% of the male students in 12th-grade reported using computers in technical education classes compared to 33% of the same grade females [Chi-square (1, N = 3 1) = 5.64, p < .05]. Enrollment in the remaining classes showed no significant differences between gender although important differences must be registered given the focus of the curriculum in computer science classes which provide intense instruction in computer applications.

Table 4

Percentage of Students Enrolling in Classes That Use Computers

Patterns of use varied for each grade. While 8th-grade students had relatively similar opportunities to obtain experience, 12th-grade students received differentiated experience because of differentiated coursetaking, most notably in technical education classes and in computer science.

Given the results of each data set, one could conclude that gender differences were small. However, by triangulating results from each data set into an integrated finding, one can argue that Menominee male and female students begin high school with similar experiences, but enroll in differentiated proportions in high school classes that use computers. As a result, females leave high school with limited experiences, having missed opportunities because of disparate usage and access to software that provide extensive use of computers in selected classes. In this regard, the use of more intense and more sophisticated software such as plotters and CAD-CAM systems in technical education classes underscores the incomparability of software (in other classes, graphics software usually means "canned" graphics programs of a Print Shop nature) in terms of coursetaking for 12th-grade females and again through the limited use of computers at the 8th-grade for females in technical education. At both grades, whether classes were required or elective, the opportunities for experience differed for females. This conclusion becomes more plausible when compared to findings from previous studies.

The findings from the Menominee study were compared to previous research to examine common threads. The three conclusions drawn from this study were that (1) schools played a central role in providing computer experiences to all Menominee Indian students; (2) gender differences were found in significant proportions in only one class but were also found within the confines of graphics software applications; and (3) when these gender differences are combined, the Menominee female status becomes magnified. In the following section, each of these findings will be compared to previous studies that found gender differences in home and school use, in the type of software applications used, and in the patterns of enrollment.

Contrasting the Menominee study with previous research, the 8th-grade findings differed from other middle schools in this country where males received more experience than female students (see Lockheed, Thorpe, Brooks-Gunn, Casserly, & McAloon, 1985 for a review of computer course participation). As noted, there were no overwhelming differences between Menominee males and females at the 8th-grade. Studies which investigated gender differences in particular home and school settings in Canada found that 11th-grade males received significantly more experience at school than same-grade females (Collis et al., 1988). Although the Menominee study showed similar findings in school settings, a comparison with the Canadian study in home settings showed males receiving significantly more experience in home use which was unlike that of the Menominee study where differences in home were relatively the same for males and females.

Several studies investigating the use of software in the school environment found significant gender differences in programming experience (Becker, 1986; Collis et al., 1988; Hess & Miura, 1983; Liebermann, 1985) where males have more experience with programming than females. The direction of the results at the Menominee 12th-grade were similar; males have more experience with computer programming in schools than females. In school, experience with the use of computer games favor Menominee males in significant proportions compared to Menominee females at the 12th-grade. These results mirror those found for 11th-grade students in Canada (Collis et al., 1988) and for high school students in the United States (Becker, 1985) where gender differences in game playing surfaced; males having significantly more experience than females.

Mainly, this study's findings were that enrollment patterns of Menominee students followed the same forms as found in studies of non-Indian students. Several studies have documented that under-representation is a problem for females enrolled in computer science classes in the United States (Cusick et al., 1986; Dossey et al., 1988; Gilliland, 1981; Lipkin & McCormick, 1985; Lockheed, Neilsen, & Stone, 1985; Lockheed, Thorpe, Brooks-Gunn, Casserly, & McAloon, 1985; Miura & Hess, 1983; Sheingold et al., 1983). Although no significant differences were discovered between Menominee male and female enrollment in computer science or business classes, the findings which favor male enrollment in computer science are educationally important given that small differences in computer intensive classes may be more critical than in classes that use computers only for supplemental instructional support programs.

Gender differences for Menominee students as compared to non-Indians showed similar patterns: males obtained significantly more experience than females in school. In home settings, the patterns differ because Menominee 8th-grade students showed relatively few gender differences. Regarding context, gender differences in use of software types and gender differences in coursetaking for Menominee females parallels the results found elsewhere: males have significantly higher levels of association with computer games than their female counterparts, and males enroll in computer science classes in larger proportions than females at the 12th-grade.

One could speculate that the significant differences for l2th-grade Menominee students in technical education may be a function of gender tracking independent of the presence of computers. However, combining uneven course enrollment and differing application of software, the use of computers for females is compounded by traditionally sex-separated courses such as technical education. More sophisticated graphics software was offered to those who enrolled in these types of courses which are commonly male dominated. Considering this finding in light of other research, it seems noteworthy that specific patterns of use may differ as the result of the uniqueness in local situations such as home and extracurricular activities which are informal situations for females. Yet, the overall impact for female students in MISD is critical, as most computer experience was formed in school settings. In this regard, it is important to have a comprehensive school program void of any gender bias.

Reporting individual Menominee findings as evidence of limitations in access to computer experience for Menominee females forms a convenient comparison from extant literature. However, in isolation, these data sets merely measure incidences, and do not contain the power of a more inclusive picture attained by combining results of all data sets. For instance, differences in the use of graph in technical education classes and differences in coursetaking combine to provide more understanding on the gender differences overall.

Of course, the contextual data set (software types) only measured incidence of whether or not students ever used computers in particular settings, and not the amount of measured time spent using computers. Neither the situational or coursetaking variables were intended as exact measures timewise. As intended, this baseline study simply described the general conditions under which Menominee students developed their computer experience. Its efforts were targeted toward finding where instruction was received, through what curriculum computer applications it was delivered, and who had access to these computer experiences and coursework patterns.

The computer education research literature has several studies that report female use of computers in school and non-school settings in both formal and informal situations (Becker, 1985; 1986; Collis et al., 1988; Cusick et al., 1986; Dossey et al., 1988; Gilliland, 1981; Hess & Miura, 1983; Liebermann, 1985; Lipkin & McCormick, 1985; Lockheed, Neilsen, & Stone, 1985; Lockheed, Thorpe, Brooks-Gunn, Casserly, & McAloon, 1985; Miura & Hess, 1983; Sheingold et al., 1983). However, there are few studies (Witthun, 1982) that reveal where American Indian females obtain their experience. Thus, this study adds to a small body of literature and describes how Menominee females obtain skills and understanding of computers.

The challenge to the Menominee education community is to become aware of the possibilities under which gender differences surface and to recognize the impact that these pose for the career development of all students. Furthermore, the impact of gender differences influence tribal resource development, so having tribal members who are capable of determining when, where, and how technology can be or cannot be utilized to manage valuable tribal resources is a desirable community outcome.

The basic assumption underlying this study is that continuous coursework in classes that use computers determines whether or not all students–especially females–enter computer-related careers where more jobs that provide opportunities for leadership and high salaries are available. Surely, there are females who obtain maximum experience; some female students manuever around barriers by availing themselves to a comprehensive assortment of software and enrolling in appropriate coursework including technical education. In more informal school ways, female students take the opportunity to develop their interests through extracurricular activities. They make extensive use of computers by being on the newspaper or yearbook staff and perhaps tabulating statistics for school use or for sports. Many students respond to teachers who demand reports completed on the computer. In non-school settings, these same students, with the cooperation of family and extended family situations, take advantage of the use of a computer at home or in a relative's, neighbor's, or friend's home. For more formal and non-school use of computers, community educational agencies, parents, teachers, and peers encourage students to attend computer camps where valuable experience is gained. Even students who work outside of school gain direct computer experience. However, according to this study, not all students receive intensive, adequate, or appropriate experience in equal proportions according to their gender.

The ultimate challenge is to extend opportunities to all students, especially females. Each community stakeholder–student, teacher, administrator, and parent/guardian in addition to community members at large–needs to be aware of the conditions under which all students gain computer experience, and then remove any barriers that limit that experience by gender. In order to make changes in schools, the Women's Action Alliance (Sanders & Stone, 1986) recommend several different strategies for administrators, teachers, and parents.

For a more comprehensive program with a broad school focus, Sanders and Stone (1986) suggest that staff development focus directly on females and specific strategies that eliminate any avoidance tendencies of females. Administrative directives that have been successful in promoting female computer experiences in other schools clearly focus on female participation, provide group work for cooperation and socialization activities, and stress the usefulness of computers and how it builds on the "helping" tendency of females. Finally, one of the major obstacles that needs to be eliminated is the expectation that only males will be interested and needful of computers and then promoting curricular and extracurricular activities to that end by not finding intervention strategies to change opportunities for females.

The most likely place for leadership should come from the schools since that is where most students receive their experience. Without waiting for a full school movement, the Women's Action Alliance (Sanders & Stone, 1986) suggest that teachers begin establishing equity committees and incorporating the use of computers for more than delivery of content. They recommend requiring homework on a computer, encouraging computer work that supports extracurricular activities, and initiating telecommunication projects. Sanders' and Stone's (1986) suggestions for parents/guardians are mindful that not all homes have a computer available and so recommend that parents/guardians use computers in the public library, volunteer to help in a computer lab, and/or encourage camp experiences. If a computer is available in the home, make sure all females play, learn, and explore as well as males do in the household.

Strategies initiated by parents and teachers would constitute some beginning solutions to eradicate gender differences but without forward administrative leadership that calls for and allows maximum participation of all major stakeholders, the gender gap will not only continue but widen. This study may fill a gap but it should also move beyond the paradigm of comparative experience and combine research investigations using both experience and motivational factors to fully understand the coursetaking phenomenon. Studies that posit Self-Confidence and Perceptions of Usefulness as critical determinants of differentiated coursework and eventual career plans (see Grignon, 1991) lend more information about "how" and "why" experience is formed and can be added to "where" that experience was formed.