William T. Cross

On February 9, 1990 a significant agreement (New Momentum) was initiated between Northern Arizona University and the Navajo Nation. This compact is designed to assist with tribal economic development and to improve Navajo education achievement from elementary through postsecondary levels. Two of the main ingredients of this agreement are: (1) the effort to enhance the faculty of the Navajo Community College, and (2) utilize the faculty at Northern Arizona University to advance the educational and economic development of this tribal community.

This agreement between the university and the Navajo Nation is an indication of an ever increasing role that colleges and universities are playing in the future development of Indian communities. As college and university faculty take part in this important role, one important question emerges: if college and university professors are to perform a greater function in the development of Indian communities, how many of these faculty will be Indian? In order to fully address this question we must ask an even more basic question. What do we actually know about the Indians who serve as faculty in our nation's colleges and universities? Presently there is insufficient literature on the participation of Indian faculty within the American professoriate. Even recent studies completed on the condition of the American professoriate make no reference to Indians who serve as part of this assembly. Illustrating this point is a 1987 special report, The Academic Life: Small Worlds, Different Worlds by the noted scholar on the subject of higher education, Burton Clark. The report summarizes the condition of the American professoriate and provides a unique and detailed insight into the world of the American professoriate. However, this important work did not enlighten its readers on the condition of Indian faculty. In reference to professors of color, Clark (1987) stated, "We largely ignored the play of social background in the lives of American academics, subordinating stratification issues posed by students of class and race . . ." (p. 280).

Additional recent works have taken the same approach on the subject of minority professors. In their recent work, Prospects for Faculty In The Arts and Sciences, William G. Bowen and Julie Ann Sosa (1989) stated ". . . to have included cross-tabulations by gender and race would have produced an overwhelming mass of statistics concerning subjects that deserve separate and intensive analysis. . ." (p. 9). The landmark study published by Bowen and Schuster (1986), The American Professors: A National Resource Imperiled, devoted two and one-half pages to the issue of Black faculty. Regarding other racial groups the authors stated, "We did not address issues related specifically to other under-represented ethnic minorities . . ." (pp. 152-153). In other words these major research efforts, for one reason or another, also chose not to embrace Indian faculty issues.

The Almanac of Higher Education, produced by the Chronicle of Higher Education for 1989-90, also made no mention of Indian faculty but does provide a summary of the total American professoriate for 1987 as follows: There were some 824,700 full-time, part-time and temporary faculty members in 3,587 public and private institutions of higher education. The proportion of these faculty with tenure was 68.9 percent in public and 54.7 percent at private institutions. The average income was $37,903 at public four-year institutions and $35,747 at private four-year institutions. There were 991,339 bachelors, 289,557 masters, and 34,120 doctoral degrees conferred. The lack of descriptive statistics for Indian faculty indicates a significant limitation of the data and confirms that Indians remain an unknown quantity in the American professoriate.

This article presents, from the data available, a descriptive analysis of the pathway to the professoriate for American Indians. The statistics for this description of the Indian educational pipeline were generated from the National Center for Education Statistics, Digest of Educational Statistics (1990), and a report by Thurgood and Coyle, entitled "Summary Report 1987: Doctorate Recipients from United States Universities."

The educational pipeline for Indians, as with all children, begins with 100 percent entering first grade; however, it is estimated that only 51 percent of Indian students complete high school, 17 percent enter college, 4 percent enter graduate school and only 2 percent complete graduate school (Astin, 1982). The number of Indian students currently in school forms the pool of possible Indian professors for the future. It stands to reason that the number of Indian faculty in the professoriate is directly related to the success Indians have throughout the educational pipeline.

While it is not within the purview of this article to present a comprehensive analysis of the current educational pipeline, presentation of recent statistics will provide some enlightenment on the subject of the American Indian professoriate. The number of Indian students who are participating at the upper division levels in colleges and universities, along with the current number of Indian faculty, can provide some approximation of the number of possible Indian professors that may exist in the future.

The number of Indians who enter college has been steadily increasing. In 1976 their were 76,110 students compared to 92,500 students in 1988. This represents a difference of some 16,400 students in a twelve year period as indicated in 1988. This represents a difference of some 16,400 students in a twelve year period as indicated in Table 1.

TABLE 1
Total Enrollment in Higher Education (number, in thousands)

However, in 1984, college enrollment for Indian students decreased from 87,700 students in 1982 to 83,600 students in 1984; a loss of 4,100 students.

The most recent data, however, indicate that Indian student enrollment increased in 1986 to 90,100 students and again in 1988 to 92,500 students.

The basis for this decline remains unknown since research on this phenomena is apparently non-existent. An analysis of federal support for programs and individuals during years of decline may reveal a cause and effect situation.

The number of Indian students enrolled at two-year colleges increased by 9,200 from 1976 to 1988. However, the same decrease that was reported previously for the general enrollment of Indian students also existed for those at the two-year level as demonstrated by the decrease of 3,600 Indian students from 1982 to 1984 as illustrated in Table 2.

TABLE 2
Two-Year College Enrollment (number in thousands)

The most recent statistics demonstrate that approximately one-half (50,400) of all Indian students enrolled at the undergraduate level in 1988 were enrolled in two-year or community colleges.

The two-year degree is the most prevalent degree awarded to Indian students. In 1986 there were a total of 3,196 associate degrees awarded to Indian students of which 1,263 went to men and 1,933 went to women (see Table 3 for total degrees).

The six most favored fields of study selected by Indian students at the two-year college level included liberal/general studies, business and management, health, engineering, art and education. The fields of study are presented in Table 3.

Since 1987 Indian women have outnumbered men in receiving the associate degree. The field of study selected most frequently was business and management. Indian men selected liberal/general studies most often as their number one choice of major field of study.

TABLE 3
Associate Degrees Conferred by Sex, Top Five Major Fields of Study and Total
Number of American Indian Students, All Fields

The number of Indian students enrolled in four-year colleges (both public and private) has fluctuated slightly over the years from 1976 to 1988. However, this 12 year period has recorded an enrollment increase of Indian students in both public and private schools.

The increase in the number of Indian students enrolled in four-year colleges is comparable to the sluggish growth in the number of college students in general, except for Black enrollment which actually dropped during the period 1978 to 1988.

There was a slight drop in the number of Indian students in public institutions in 1978 and 1984. Private schools experienced a slight drop in Indian student enrollment in 1982 and 1986 as shown in Table 4.

Overall, the number of bachelors degrees granted to Indian students increased from 1976 to 1984; however, 1978 and 1986 showed a decrease. The difference of 645 degrees awarded between 1976 and 1986 represents a small increase for an eight year span. The number of Indian women receiving a bachelors degree outnumbered Indian men between 1980 and 1986 as revealed in Table 5.

TABLE 5
American Indian Bachelor's (number of degrees)

Of special note is the decline of bachelors degrees exhibited in the data for the year 1986. This decline comes at a time when both Indian student high school and college enrollments were increasing.

A sample of the fields of study most frequently selected by Indian students is shown in Table 6.

TABLE 6
Bachelor's Degrees Conferred by Sex, Top Six Fields of Study and Total Number of
American Indian Students, All Fields

There is no known long-term study on the selection of majors by Indian students; consequently, it is impossible to compare changes or trends in selection of academic majors. Nevertheless we can observe from the data presented for the year 1986 that the selection of major fields of study are identical to students in the general population who had selected business and management, social science, and health professions, in that sequence.

The number of Indian students who chose to pursue a graduate degree since 1971 has only slightly increased. An examination of the graduate enrollment data between 1976 and 1988 indicates a total increase of 500 Indian students as depicted in Table 7. Graduate enrollment decreased in the years 1978 and 1984. These two decreases amounted to a total of 800 Indian graduate students; a loss which is irreplaceable to Indian communities. The comparison of women to men in terms of graduate enrollment demonstrates that women have outnumbered men in enrollment since 1980 and that the number of men has either decreased or remained at the same level since 1978.

TABLE 7
Graduate Enrollment by Sex (number in thousands)

The number of Indian students receiving masters degrees during the period 1976 to 1986 demonstrated a steady growth until 1986 when the number decreased by 152.

In 1976 Indian students received a total of 967 degrees compared to 1,104 in 1986, a total increase of 137 degrees. Indian women have outpaced Indian men in achieving a masters degree since 1978, with a total of 191 more degrees received during the period 1978 to 1988. The decrease of 152 masters degrees in 1988 mentioned previously had an impact of representing 66 fewer degrees for Indian men and 86 fewer degrees for women than were reported previously in 1984. This decrease assuredly reduces the potential number of Indian doctoral prospects for the future. Because of the small number of Indian students in the masters degree pool, any decrease can have a dramatic consequence on the number of Indians who may later enter the professoriate.

TABLE 8
Master's Degrees Conferred by Sex

An analysis of data on major fields of study for 1986 indicates the most prevalent field chosen by Indian students for their masters degree was that of education. Education was the first choice as the field of study with Indian women receiving 256 masters degrees compared to only 120 for Indian men; or a ratio greater than two-to-one as shown in Table 9.

The top two choices for major fields of study selected by Indian students, Education and Business and Management, are the same choices selected by the general population of students at the masters degree level. Table 9 includes the major fields of study.

TABLE 9
Master's Degrees Conferred by Sex, Top Six Fields of Study and Total Number of
American Indian Students in All Fields

The doctorate as a degree has received the most attention in regard to predicting future minority faculty members and is sometimes referred to as the union card for academia (Page, 1990).

The number of Indians awarded the doctorate increased during the period 1976 to 1980 but then declined in both 1984 and 1986 as indicated in Table 10.

TABLE 10
Doctorate Degrees Conferred by Sex

In the years 1976 and 1978, Indian men outnumbered Indian women two to-one in receiving the doctorate, and in 1980, almost three-to-one. In 1984 the number of Indian men receiving the doctorate degree decreased by 31 from 1980 and decreased again in 1986 by six from 1984. This represents a loss of 37 doctorates from the number achieved in 1980. The number of Indian women receiving the doctorate degree increased slightly from 1976 to 1984 then decreased ( along with Indian men in 1984.

The gap between Indian men and women is closing as the number of men receiving the doctorate diminishes and the number of women receiving the degree increases. The difference in 1980 was 60 doctoral degrees compared to only 12 in 1986.

Education was the field of study most often selected by Indian students for the doctorate. In 1986 almost 50 percent of all doctorates were awarded in the field of education. The top six fields of study selected by Indian students are listed in Table II with engineering, health professions and physical sciences equally selected in the sixth position.

TABLE 11
Doctorate Degrees Conferred by Sex, Top Six Fields of Study,
and Total Degrees Awarded for 1986-87

The educational pipeline of possible Indian professors also includes individuals who were awarded the professional degree. It is interesting to note that the number of professional degrees earned by Indians outnumbered the doctorates earned almost three-to-one as presented in Table 12.

TABLE 12
Professional Degrees Conferred by Field of Study and Sex

In 1986 Indian students received a total of 304 professional degrees; 183 men and 121 women. In attempting to explain this difference, it should be noted that the financial rewards from a professional degree far exceed that of the professoriate. The need and incentive in the Indian community has also given greater emphasis to professional careers rather than the professoriate.

The following description of the American Indian professoriate is the result of assembling fragments of data from a report by Judy Fries entitled "The American Indian in Higher Education 1975-76 to 1984-85," and the U. S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) reports for the years 1983 and 1985. Data on Indian faculty for other years remain unpublished.

In 1983 there was a total of 1,307 faculty identified as Indian; 962 men and 355 women. Faculty for this year were evenly distributed across the ranks, and 52 percent of the men had achieved tenure while only 35 percent of the women had achieved tenure.

In 1985 there were 1,735 faculty identified as Indian; 1,394 men and 341 women. The breakdown of tenure status for men and women was not reported in the data.

These statistics are too small in number to establish any trends, but we do observe a decrease in the number of Indian women in the faculty between 1983 and 1985, while the number of Indian men has increased as presented in Table 13.

TABLE 13
Faculty by Sex and TOW for 1983 and 1985

The acquisition of tenure by Indian faculty is the last step in the educational process toward becoming a full-fledged member of the professoriate. Except for the few Indian men and women professors identified earlier as having achieved tenure, no other information was found in the literature regarding the number of Indian faculty who have been granted tenure. Tenure in higher education is intended to insure freedom in teaching and research as well as providing economic security. Tenure is one of the most important concerns pertaining to the production of Indian professors, for without achieving tenure Indian faculty either leave the profession or remain at its lower ranks. Non-tenure for many minority professors has created a "revolving door" in which minority faculty are forced to leave an institution only to seek tenure at another (Blackwell, 1988, p. 426). The most important function of any junior faculty member in the attempt to gain tenure is to conduct research and publish the findings (Swinn & Witt, 1982, p. 1242). However, the research produced by many Indian scholars on such subjects as tribal management, economic development, American Indian rights, or American Indian history, may not be viewed as relevant or scholarly by some non-Indian faculty members and can prevent the promotion to tenured positions.

In addition to regular teaching, research and publication responsibilities necessary to gain tenure, Indian professors are also expected by their institutions to be counselors, financial aid representatives, and advocates for Indian students. They must also sit on various institutional committees and attend meetings to provide Indian input for the institution. Such duties take valuable time away from research and publication, the charge most important to earning tenure (Blackwell, 1988, p. 428). Indian professors are constantly confronted with the expectations of public service that includes conducting research for tribal communities or governments, assisting with proposal writing, representing the community at meetings, or serving as tribal council members or non-profit board members. These tasks also take time away from research and publication efforts.

Many Indian faculty who attempt to join the professoriate are confronted by economic and social hardships. Indians continue to be one of the most impoverished minority groups in this country and given this situation, the likelihood of ever reaching the professional status of a college or university professor is almost insurmountable.

Further, the value conflict between American Indians and the mainstream culture only serves to make the aspiration of Indians who wish to join the professoriate that much more difficult. Indian values are often in direct conflict with the established process of becoming a full-fledged member of the professonate. For example, the social value and preeminent goal in life for many American Indians is the survival of the Indian people (Forbes, 1973, p. 205). This value conflicts with the educational values of mainstream society, in that this Indian value requires a total life commitment to one's community. On the other hand, the educational value of mainstream society is enhanced when one excels as an individual, who, for example, has become the top academic achiever in the class. The mainstream educational system is established on this individualistic and competitive premise, and therefore, structurally may not be suited for Indian academic success.

In order to reduce many of these conflicts between individualistic versus collective values, tribal governments are taking control of their educational systems operating within tribal communities. Numerous tribal governments now operate their own K-12 schools and some have established tribally controlled colleges. There are currently 24 such tribal colleges, the majority of which are located on reservations (Carnegie Foundation for The Advancement of Teaching, 1989).

The educational research literature, except for a few fragmented efforts, has been silent on the number, location, rank, tenure status and other information relating to Indians in the professoriate. To pursue this issue more closely, an investigation of the limited data regarding the American Indian professoriate was examined along with other data that distinguishes the American Indian pipeline.

This inquiry was made because of the growing importance higher education and its faculty are performing in the educational and economic development of Indian communities. A further attempt was made to shed some light on how little is really known about the individuals who make up the American Indian professoriate and to hopefully provide a glimpse of what it takes to travel the pathway to the professoriate.

In reference to the pipeline, the number of Indian students graduating from high school and choosing to attend college at both the undergraduate and graduate level has been increasing since 1976, but recently (1988) the number of Indian students who graduate from institutions of higher education is, for some reason, decreasing.

Indian women have been making consistent gains in all categories in the pipeline of higher education, including outnumbering Indian men in enrollments (both graduate and undergraduate) and degrees earned at the associate, bachelor, masters levels. Additionally, if current trends continue, Indian women will lead men in the number of doctorates awarded. In reference to the professoriate, however, the feelings of triumph from these achievements made by Indian women in the pipeline are discounted by the lack of progress women are achieving within the professoriate. In fact, the minimal data released on this point indicate that Indian women are actually losing the few faculty positions they hold.

The literature provides no clues as to why Indian men are not achieving as well as women in academia. This point must be pursued in subsequent research.

On the subject of major fields of study in the pipeline, Indian students are selecting the same majors as the general population of students. In terms of more immediate importance to the American Indian professoriate, the fact that one-third of all masters degrees and almost one-half of all doctorates awarded to Indians are in the field of education tends to limit the pool of possible Indian professors to mainly one discipline. Otherwise these individuals must find employment, teach, and earn tenure out of their discipline, which is not an easy task.

In closing, it is actually possible for the 92,100 Indian undergraduate and 3,971 graduate students to complete their college careers without ever having the benefit of being taught by an Indian professor. It is also possible that as higher education plays an ever increasing role in the development of Indian communities, this undertaking will be realized without the involvement of any Indian faculty.

Further research is required in order to more fully understand the means necessary to cultivate additional Indian faculty and to better understand the contributions and potential contributions of Indians who are not serving in that capacity.