Linda Pertusati

SCHOOL desegregation has been a major issue in the United States since the 1954 Brown versus Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, decision which found that "separate but equal is inherently unequal." Segregated education has two basic forms: "defacto" and "dejure." Dejure means by legal code, while defacto means existing in actual fact. Defacto segregated education, though illegal, does exist.

Policy makers emphasizing civil rights have struggled to create desegregated education. Educators concerned with educational effectiveness have re-considered the desirability of the desegregated education. That debate has primarily focused on the black, urban community and has been predicated on dichotomous characterizations of segregated vs. desegregated schools. This paper analyzes rural schools with Native American students.

We will review five theories which consider the effectiveness of segregated education. Bouma (1968) argues that in segregated schools, students do not receive socialization needed to participate in the dominant society. While Bouma argues an assimilationism education as a source of accommodation to dominant society, Weinberg (1968) emphasizes the opportunities for cultural relativism and personality development in the desegregated setting. After reviewing studies from different cities and age groups, he concludes that in segregated schools black academic achievement lagged, while in racially balanced settings measured achievement levels rose.

St. John (1975) argues that segregated schools symbolized black powerlessness and limited opportunities. She claims that:

She calls for a reconsideration of desegregated schools, contending that:

Hawley (1981) contends that desegregated schools are:

He argues that segregated education is ineffective and impairs social mobility because the discrimination of the larger society is reflected within the institutional setting. Desegregated education structurally prevents more overt forms of discrimination, and thereby assures the necessary fiscal resources needed for effective education. However, truly equal educational opportunities would require substantial changes in the structure of schools.

Hare and Levine (1984) challenge the assumption that desegregation would automatically improve the quality of education for minorities. They argue:

Emphasis should be on creating effective education; if a segregated school also values the minority culture, then it may create a more positive learning environment. Cultural assimilation should not be the price of academic effectiveness.

Thus, we have (respectively) presented the behavioral, humanist, symbolic interactionist, structuralist, and cultural advocacy positions on desegregated education. These studies have been drawn largely from the Black experience. There has been a similar debate among Native American educators.

Native Americans have been educated in mission and private schools, federal schools, and public schools. Fischbacher (1967) reviewed the historical context of Native American education. While noting that the form and structure has changed over time, he contends that the goal of such education has been to encourage cultural assimilation of Native American children into the dominant society.

While analysts of Black education frame their discussion in terms of segregation-desegregation, those analyzing Native American education have emphasized cultural assimilation vs. cultural preservation. In each case, community control, curriculum content, minority student identity, and the role of the minority culture within the educational process are the central focus of concern.

Croft (1977) surveyed recent literature on Indian educational performance and noted several conditions impeding effective education. These included unequal access to resources, teacher insensitivity, and lack of relevance in the curriculum.

Buckanaga (1975) notes that due to geographic and political separation of reservations, many communities have segregated schools. This segregation could facilitate local control and culturally-attuned schools. Instead, schools have been one of the chief instruments of domination over Native Americans.

Zintz (1978), Heath (1972), Deloria (1978), and Davis & Pyatskowit (1976) argue that education attempts to assimilate Native American children into the dominant culture. Since most teachers are not versed in the values and practices of the Native American culture, they are unaware of the discontinuity between values embedded in their curriculum and those of the native culture. This condition denegrates the students’ identity.

While implicit value biases contribute to an elitist curriculum, contradictions and tribal history further alienate the student from the learning experience. Heath notes the discontinuity between pluralist rhetoric and the curriculum’s intolerance of minority cultural values. Deloria contends that the contradictions between legal practices and justice, and between equal opportunity and the practices of racial discrimination delegitimates the content and process of formal education.

Building on this notion Zintz, and Davis and Pyatskowit assert that in order to improve Native American students’ performance there is a need to integrate a students’ cultural heritage and values into the curriculum. Community control is essential to that process whether resulting in an integrated curriculum (Hayes and Ames, 1976) or as a basis of a distinct Native American system of education (Cooper and Gregory, 1976).

Despite the distinct contexts, the basic concerns of the segregation-desegregation debate are ingrained in the Native American battle for an effective educational curriculum. Studies of Indian schools verify that in segregated settings the white educational curriculum becomes a source of cultural denegration and overt racism, and denies resources needed for creating equal opportunity. Thus, while desegregated schools may not be the answer, neither are white-dominated segregated schools.

Given the acknowledged shortcomings of each approach (Cultural Isolation vs. Assimilation, Desegregation vs. Segregation), we need to wed concerns for cultural identity and cultural pluralism. What seems to be needed is a "third way" to educate students.

In-depth interviews were conducted with administrators and faculty members of the St. Regis Mohawk (a de facto segregated school on the reservation) and the Salmon River Central school (a desegregated school which is in nearby Ft. Covington, N.Y.) -- (see Note 1). The respondents were asked a common series of questions regarding their school, curriculum, community, and problems of bicultural education. The interviews were augmented with statistical data provided by school documents and public reports.

The Akwasasne (Mohawk) reservation lies in rural northern New York and is divided by the international border (see Note 2). The traditional seasonal pattern of males leaving home for extended periods and returning is maintained. Many men work high steel and live (temporarily) in nearby cities (Boston, Buffalo, Syracuse) and come home in winter. Due to these steel jobs and some skilled work in nearby aluminum plants, some reservation families have high incomes.

An important attribute of this community is that they have a treaty with both the federal and state government (the Jay treaty of 1786) and are recognized as a nation which is not under the administration of the Bureau Of Indian Affairs. Thus, although education is state and federally-funded, it is state administered (see Note 3).

The Akwasasne community is a highly politicized, well organized community, and relatively well known as the location of the publication, "Akwasasne Notes." As Pyke, White, and Heerman (1975) noted, there was a contest over curriculum and community input in the two schools from 1968-70 (see Note 4). The results of this will be discussed later in this paper.

This case study attempts to determine: (1) if a minority-controlled educational institution can be academically effective, and (2) if a bicultural academic program can be effective within a desegregated school environment?

Most of the Native American students attend the segregated Mohawk school through grade three. There they receive traditional academics as well as special courses in Mohawk language, history, and culture. There are also special after-school programs that offer academic help. The Mohawk school program, directed by a Native American administrator and with strong community input, includes two years of pre-school. By comparison, students at the Salmon River grade school begin at the kindergarten level and receive minimal instruction in Indian culture and history. In addition to providing strong academic skills, this culturally-grounded program develops a sense of history and collective identity among the students.

The transition to the desegregated public school is eased by programs to integrate and familiarize the Native American students with their future classmates and school. They visit the school to which they will transfer, learn the layout of the buildings and classrooms, and meet their future teachers and classmates. Reciprocal visits to the Mohawk school also occur. This is an attempt to allay fears of transferral which might even be more pronounced due to the change from majority to minority status; moving beyond the familiarity and shared cultural understandings of the reservation community.

Due to class composition of advanced classes in Mohawk language which occur in the 7th and 8th grades, cohort groups among Native Americans are informally maintained. Additional cohesion arises from cultural practices outside the school setting which are sanctioned and tacitly supported by the school. School officials recognize Native American holidays, elections, and ceremonies, and encourage students to leave school to attend these events. One interviewee noted that students are given rides by faculty on their way to ceremonies. Each school formally recognizes a Native American holiday May 11which is incorporated into its school calendar. Thus, in-group cohesion and identity are maintained by student practices and supported by school policy.

Respondent consensus broke down over the issue of Native American culture receiving sufficient prominence in the public school curriculum. Some respondents felt that Native American issues were restricted to specialized curriculum. This posed a special problem due to federal cuts in Title IV funding. Local funds have been allocated to cover these specialized faculty lines, but one line dedicated to Mohawk culture had been terminated. Respondents seemingly recognized the resulting void, and several argued the need to reestablish that line.

The Salmon River high school employs three Native American teachers in a staff of 40, two of whom are Title IV teachers. About 35% of the student population is Native American. Additionally, three of the nine school board members are Native American. In the Mohawk school there are five Native American teachers (of 24), a Native American principal, and a student population composed almost exclusively of Native Americans.

In 1968, Native American students boycotted the Salmon River Central School claiming that their needs and interests were not being considered. This confrontation created several forms of community input which continue today. In addition to representation on the district Board, an organized community advisory committee meets with the central school district officers and principals. They offer proposals and keep school officials attuned to the conditions, needs, and expectations of the Indian community.

This dialogue has sensitized the committee and Native American community to the limitations on discretionary decision-making at the district level, and has encouraged political lobbying and advocacy at the state government level. In response to community pressure, Mohawk language which used to be taught every other day in 7th and 8th grade, has been expanded to a full class period every day in 8th grade. An anticipated new hiring should provide for daily instruction in the 7th grade as well. Despite this, one interviewee asserted that community involvement was still insufficient.

Native Americans have a "separate program," Title IV (see Note 5) which provides for Mohawk culture and language instruction, and for an outreach worker who provides home-school coordination. That person is a paid professional who represents the school in the community, and who is a community advocate within the school system. Community members talk with the outreach worker who both explains policy decisions, and attempts to mediate disagreements between individuals (students or parents) and school officials.

The Mohawk school reflects the atmosphere of the community and frequently hosts community festivals and meetings. The advisory committee and community members visit the school frequently, reflecting a sense of identity with the institution. Community influence and input in the education process of the Mohawk school is relatively unimpeded. The Mohawk school, being community identified, does reflect community issues. However, due to the age of the students and an emphasis on educational quality and effectiveness, community issues do not give rise to classroom disputes nor overtly impact the learning process.

Community conflicts have occasionally affected the school culture and educational process in the Salmon River School. A number of years ago conflicts on the reservation (between traditional and elective factions) carried over into the school context. This included fights among Native American students reflecting their parent’s positions. As a result of factional disputes and debate over the role and content of formal education, an alternative school—Akwasasne Freedom School—was created. With the withdrawal of these students, community conflicts receded within the school setting. Half of those interviewed stated that community conflicts and debates in either village do not effect educational policy.

Five to 10 years ago there was racial conflict in the Salmon River School, but none of our respondents noted recent problems between the two cultures. Community composition and inter-personal familiarity contribute to the feeling of comfort within both school environments. For the children of the area—both Native and non-Native—going to school together is perceived as a "natural" thing. Occasional adolescent conflicts have been labeled as racial by outsiders, where in fact the only racism is that imposed (and therein is reflected) by the outsider. Because of the "defacto segregation," it was not surprising to find that there were no cited examples of racial conflict existing between students at the Mohawk School. Racial conflict between teachers and students also seemed non-existent.

In the Salmon River School (like other schools), teacher commitment varies, but most faculty are perceived as being committed to providing students with academic assistance. Teacher sensitivity to Native American history, culture, and issues has increased since the boycott and the inception of Title IV. Several teachers in the history, art, music and even physical education departments have attempted to integrate segments on Native American history and culture into their curriculums.

Strong faculty commitment was found at the Mohawk School. Special after-school programs offering academic assistance have been instituted. Teacher sensitivity to the needs of Native students has been ensured by faculty familiarity with community residents.

The education process at both schools is effective in terms of institutional criteria. Salmon River has a strong math and science program, due in part to federally funded supplies and equipment for advanced studies. These funds are granted due to Native American student attendance, as noted by one of my respondents. Scores on SAT tests and State Regents Exams are above average, and a higher percentage of students receive Regents (State-wide) Scholarships than in adjacent school districts. Salmon River has various educational tracks, and those students not prepared for post-secondary education learn vocational skills through the vocational-technical curriculum.

It was reported by one of the respondents that the Mohawk school is exceptional due to its federal resources, low faculty-student ratio, and curriculum. Students leaving the school are often one or two grade levels above the norm in reading skills. Due to student confidentiality, specific data on this was not available. The universality of this consensus is itself highly indicative.

Educational achievement is often measured in terms of post-secondary attendance. Our data (Table 1) indicates a marked change between pre- and post-boycott (1968) rates of post-secondary attendance by Native Americans, both relative to their classmates, and to the pre-boycott trends of Native American students. At first glance, there is a marked increase of Indians going to college, especially relative to their white classmates. Yet Native American drop-out rates are also higher, especially at the beginning of the period.

Initially, these rates seemingly pose a problem and indicate a failure of the system. Yet the discerning eye examining holding power (see Note 6) can note two trends. First, the percentage of students of both racial groups completing high school increased markedly. Second, the holding power (student retention) of Native American students grew more rapidly and, while still lagging, has moved toward parity with their classmates. This indicates general success in that greater numbers of Native American students are completing high school, and greater numbers are entering post-secondary education relative to the pre-boycott era and to their classmates. The percentage of Native American students who graduate and attend college is higher than whites, although this success is partially due to the continued but narrowing disparity between the holding power of the various graduating classes by race.

Despite a lack of empirical data on the initial advantages of segregated education, that program combined with the Title IV programs in the desegregated setting contributed to the above noted positive outcomes. There was an increased percentage of students graduating and choosing post-secondary training. Benefits to top students are also indicated. Native American students win Regents Scholarships proportionate to their percentage of the school population.

Last, the levels of Native American holding power and post-secondary attendance vary, but seem to do so specific to class cohort. This would indicate that factors influencing educational success (teachers, national educational program cuts, new jobs in the adjacent factories) effect both groups. Thus, opportunity and environment seems to effect students equally regardless of race. This supports the contention that group cohesion is not in-group specific; an inference one might draw if the opportunities of Native and Non-Native Americans were radically different or non-covariant.

TABLE 1
Graduate Statistics: Salmon River School System

All percentages rounded. Source - Salmon River Central School Guidance Department Report.

The Salmon River School is educationally effective on non-institutional grounds. Adjacent schools have less than 1% minority population, so this is the only school providing an inter-racial, cultural relativist experience. That exposure and experience, and the resulting tolerance and mutual respect, prepares students for the conditions of the society-at-large.

Three basic factors are essential to making this system work effectively: (1) parent and community participation, (2) planned transition, (3) teachers.

The bicultural emphasis of the Mohawk School encourages parent and community involvement in shaping curriculum and student participation. Student participation in the bicultural educational programs establishes a strong skills foundation and a basis for academic success. Teacher commitment, as exemplified by after-school programs, also contributes to this success.

In addition to the familiarization program noted earlier, the transition from the Mohawk to Salmon River School is eased by on-going teacher conferences in which the skills and needs of individual students are discussed. When the transition occurred in the 6th grade and there was no transition program, problems were more common. Early transition, occurring before prejudices, stereotypes, and cohort bonding become entrenched, seemingly eases the transition process.

Salmon River’s success results from its accommodation of Native American students with a program tailored to their experience. Specialized courses, while overtly providing for a continuation of ethno-cultural studies, simultaneously encourage and nurture Native American identity. Further, incorporating input from a community committee and Native American board members has ensured effective input into the school curriculum.

One difference between the two schools should be noted. Due to government resources, the faculty-student ratio in the Mohawk is smaller (19:1 versus 25:1 at Salmon); they have gym classes daily and more art instruction than in the Salmon grade school. The Mohawk School also has specialized math and reading teachers to augment the classroom teachers. These resources encourage both faculty-student familiarity and more personalized student development.

Impediments were noted by respondent’s difficulties in the Salmon River School. They are of three types: (1) cultural, (2) community context, (3) policy and curriculum.

The rural context creates a certain cultural and social naivete among all students. The size of the school district and home-school distances discourage student participation in extra-curricular activities. Additionally, it was felt that top students were not strongly challenged because class size did not justify separate classes for advanced students.

We will now consider the questions posed earlier: (1) Can a minority educational institution (operated by and for Native Americans) be academically effective? (2) Can a bicultural program be effective within a segregated school environment?

Most of the theoretical arguments over segregation and desegregation, and cultural integration and cultural isolation are considered as dichotomous absolutes—juxtaposed ideal types. In these analyses segregated education is conceptualized (1) on white standards and ideology, and (2) on political relations of power. Thus, concerns about politics and culture override considerations of educational effectiveness and ignore attributes of the minority culture.

A similar critique of dualistic constructs should be leveled in the cultural isolation-cultural assimilation debate. Such dualistic constructs are also burdened by a value contra-position and concerns with power.

In these debates each side has its own definition of effective education. The assimilationist-integrationists contend that the dominant academic curriculum is desirable, while the cultural isolationist-segregationists contend that a culturally-specific program is preferable. Yet, these positions are as absolutized as the dichotomous theories from which they emerge. We can delineate a concept of effective education which does not include these seemingly mutually-exclusive components.

An effective education is one which teaches skills, logic, self-identity, and interaction skills. If these are criteria of effective education, then definitionally the ability of education to achieve such goals in the culturally pluralistic world may require both segregation and integration; isolation and assimilation. The recognition of diversity and the cherishing of uniqueness are essential to effective education. The values of each need to be reinforced and encouraged, since each devoid of the other is less effective than the combined approach.

This study has found that both schools are unique and educationally effective for Native American and Non Native-American students. This demonstrates that positive cultural and academic outcomes of segregated education can be achieved. The students use the academic skills and cultural identity received from their education at the Mohawk School and continue to grow academically and socially. From this study, it can be deduced that to be educationally segregated for a while, and then integrated, can be positive. The St. Regis Mohawk and Salmon River Central cases could serve as role models for other educational institutions. It seems the students get the best of both educational environments.

*The author would like to thank the following individuals for their assistance in the research and writing of this paper: Patrick McGuire, Bruce Hare, Anthony Mixon, C.J. and Phyl McGuire, and my various interviewees.

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