Volume 24 Number 1
January 1985

John H. Chilcott, The University of Arizona

THE INFORMATION for this article was gathered by a team of researchers from the University of Arizona while conducting a school and community ethnography. The team consisted of James Jones, a graduate student in religious studies, Barbara Buchanan, a graduate student in anthropology and education; and Felipe Molina, an undergraduate student in elementary education. Funds were made available to study one of the five Yaqui Indian communities in Arizona.

The purpose of the ethnography was to provide information for teacher training and curriculum development in an elementary school which served the Yaqui community. Observations were made of Yaqui children both in school and at home. On the basis of the ethnography, several suggestions were made in order to assist the school in accommodating Yaqui cultural behavior, values and attitudes. Thus, points of cultural conflict between the school culture and Yaqui culture were located and listed; suggestions for reduction of cultural dissonance were provided to the school administration.

Some of the examples of cultural dissonance which were isolated by the research included:

Using the list of cultural dissonances together with the suggestions for accommodating Yaqui cultural behaviors, a series of workshops was organized to train teachers and to develop curricular and teaching materials.

The year following the workshops Yaqui children were integrated into the total school system and as a result those teachers who had participated in the workshops had few, if any, Yaqui children in their classes. As a consequence, the frustration within the Yaqui community over the education of their children increased.

Except for a few school districts who serve a predominately ethnic clientele such as is found on Indian reservations, perhaps a non-school approach to school problems needs to be generated within the ethnic group because there are too many variables to control to ensure school accommodation to ethnic groups. No doubt some schools can develop curricula and teaching materials, and train teachers to work with a specific ethnic student population, but over time such an effort is frequently diverted due to changes in school board membership., administration, teaching staff, and funding. Thus, the ethnic student populations and their parents remain at the mercy of factors out of their control. The solution to accommodation must lie within the ethnic population itself rather than the school.

Let us compare, for example, the world view of the Yaqui with that of the school. The two worlds, the one sacred and profane, the other secular, rational and scientific, suggest considerable cultural dissonance. The solution will be in terms of Yaqui cultural accommodation to the school rather than non-Yaqui or school accommodation to Yaqui culture.

The results of the ethnographic study suggested that it is within the sphere of their socio-religious domain that Arizona Yaquis have been able to survive as a group. The ceremonial cycle is that part of Yaqui life which maintains their tribal identity amidst the chaos caused by the external forces of a modern, industrial society.

Although the process of symbolizing within Yaqui culture needs further study, some tentative conclusions can be made through an epistomological analysis of the Yaqui world view. There are two worlds of reality for Yaquis: (1) the enchanted world of impersonal power, within which there are neither good nor evil forces, of a timeless future included within a renewable cyclical cosmos wherein the earth dies and is reborn each year; and (2) the human world (European derivation) of good and evil forces, of opposing energy. These two realities co-exist to form the contemporary world of the Yaqui (Figure 1). A third reality, the world of the Mexican or the Anglo are external to the Yaqui cosmos. English is an external language and knowledge provided by the school, external to the Yaqui view of life.

According to Yaqui folklore, the ancestors of modern Yoemem (what the Yaquis call themselves in their own language) were the Surem. The Surem are little people, somewhat like the leprechauns of Ireland. The Surem lived in complete harmony with their environment. Ecological balance is still a very strong notion in the Yaqui value system. These little people, the Surem, were dwelling in the Rio Yaqui prior to the appearance of agriculture. They continue to dwell there today as they do in the Arizona villages, unseen. Those Surem, who rejected the offer of baptism, never died. They continue to walk the face of the earth. They are in a separate dimension of reality, and are perceived only by the Yaqui.

Before European contact, the Yaqui Indian perceived his world to be embued with an impersonal power, the remnant power from the origin of the universe. This power was neither good nor evil but could be used to achieve either end. This power has endured; it is a dynamic component of the cosmos in Yaqui thought today. By ceremonial means the human and supernatural realms converge to alter the train of events in the human realm. This is the purpose of the manda as provided in the post-contact conception of the world of good and evil, whereby a contract is made with a power in enchantment, in acquiring awesome skills or talents to do something remarkably well, too well.

Prior to European contact and especially earlier in the hunting and gathering period before agriculture, the world was viewed as a vast overgrown thicket called the huya ania (monte in Spanish). The huya ania was course and untamed; one had to cut through it with a long knife in order to trespass this bushy wilderness. Here dwelt many spirits and here was clearly manifest the awesome cosmic power of generation and regeneration. Here one found a well balanced environment but one also faced unknown dangers. Here one could find that timeless plane that relates all time, future included. Here one sensed the energy of the future with a clear-cut uncertainty as to its nature. This uncertainty of the future and certainty of cosmic power fostered feelings of fear, fascination and ritual behavior. The cyclical world view held that the world was dying (as the seasons passed) and had to be renewed. The cosmic energy of the origin of the universe must be obtained in order to regenerate the world, in order to revive the many forms of life and energy on this planet. This fundamental attitude of cosmic renewal is present today in Arizona Yaqui villages. It is apparent in the highly sophisticated, articulate rituals performed during the Lenten period by the ceremonial societies and dance groups. It is daily defined by grandmothers who care for their pre-school aged grandchildren in the mornings and chide their older grandchildren later in the evenings

FIGURE 1. Conceptual Framework of Overlapping Realities of Yaqui Life

The huya ania is conceptualized by modern Yaquis much as it was by their forebearers but with the separateness of a co-existing reality. Since European contact, Yaqui Indians have acknowledged another reality as well, a universe comprised of opposing energy forces. The forces are dialectically opposed and are of either a benevolent or malevolent nature. This universe of good and evil is perceived by the Yaqui as a reality co-existing with the universe of cosmic regeneration. The very separate natures of these universes act in concert to pattern Yaqui thought processes.

The modern concept of a world hosting a battle between opposed forces of good and evil co-exists with the world of the huya ania. Just as the ceremonial ramada is divided into two parts: Pre-European contact on the right side of the observer, representing the huya ania, and on the left the post-contact representation of the forces of good (with the understanding of evil forces at large). The evil forces are represented outside the ramada by the fariseos. The yaqui mind harbors two modes of cosmic awareness, side by side. The latter has not replaced the former nor has the former changed in meaning. These two aspects of the universe are conceived to be separate universes having distinct characters but manifested by the same source. These two realms are total within their own boundaries but compliment one another so that each is understood in terms of the other. Within the myths and legends of the Yaqui tribe, the times of origin for these universes have become intertwined so that not only do they share the same source of cosmic origin, they also share the same time of cosmic origin. These two cosmologies compliment one another such that they are synthesized into an holistic reality, a universal entity (Spicer: 64).

A similar process of synthesization forms the basis for a distinctly Yaqui perceptual process presently operating in Arizona Yaqui villages today. This process involved the necessary distinction between Yaqui and non-Yaqui items. Non-Yaqui items (things perceived and conceived) are not attributed the same values as Yaqui items are given. Non-Yaqui items are rejected or ignored. If non-Yaqui items are presented in Yaqui terms then they can be synthetically processed as Yaqui items; they may then be given worth in the Yaqui value system. In this way, the Yaqui community has accommodated rapid changes and powerful influences without assimilating into another, dominant culture. The Yaqui cosmology outlines the perceptual and conceptual processes for members of Yaqui society. This primal cosmology distinguishes Yaqui culture from others and maintains this distinction by influencing separate behaviors on the part of the members of the Yaqui society.

Consider the notion of enchantment. Suspicions of enchantment are directed toward anyone achieving too great a mastery of any subject. Anyone who acquires a knowledge beyond the acceptable norm is called a moreakame. The acquisition of great knowledge is questioned. Enchantment will be suspected. A non-Yaqui person may also be suspected. Professors of such subjects as chemistry, physics, and other sciences are often referred to as moreakame.

The notion of enchantment is socially applied as a measure employed to deter individuals from disrupting the social balance by outperforming their peers. This notion acts as a tool to mediate behavior in the school as well as in the community or workplace, and to define the normative boundaries of acceptable behavior. Enchantment is regarded as a social evil. Enchantment threatens the moral basis of Yaqui culture by denying the applicability of sanctions against prescribed behavior. The sanctions are premised by the metaphysics which structure ceremonial life. To become enchanted is to be confined to the world of the huya ania upon human death. The confinement is to be exiled from the world comprising good and evil forces in opposition. This is the world of the Surem. The enchanted ones are granted as eternal existence in the timeless period of the world’s origin. This existence is perpetuated by the endless unfolding of cosmic energy—the energy of creation. This existence is vibrant but anti-social. These enchanted ones are denied the experience of re-birth through ceremonial procedures and the recreative energies at large in the world of good and evil. They will not be united with those ancestors who have accepted both realities: the world of good and evil as well as the world of the huya ania. Any behavior which reflects a denial of either sphere of the synthetic, holistic universe is countered by social behaviors which are meant to counter such a denial. For example, a Yaqui who denies the supernatural composition of the cosmos will not be welcomed at fiestas, will be excluded from the compadrazgo system, and may have difficulties in finding ceremonial sponsors for his children. The notion of enchantment and its ethical implications precludes a high tolerance of competitiveness within the community (this does not contradict the "appearance" of social factionalism in a Yaqui village). A braggard nature, which is usually associated with competitiveness, is negatively reinforced. "I don’t like to be around that fellow because he brags so much. You know, he thinks he’s so much better," is a frequent response when questioned as to why one does not socialize with a particular person. The abrasive trait of bragging is not only considered to be non-Yaqui but to be quintessentially Mexican or Anglo. On the other hand, a modest nature is preferred and is reinforced. Any excessive proffering of compliments is not only unwelcome but threatening. To clap one’s hands in praise is to ridicule the lauded individual. It is not socially acceptable to strive to be the best at anything per se; those individuals who do strive to outdo others will be countered by their peers.

Another inhibitor to competition within the Yaqui community is the absence of strong leadership initiative. This lack is more apparent than real. Leadership roles are channeled through ceremonial offices. This lack of leadership may be viewed as a cultural trait. It is not considered proper behavior, among the traditional Yaquis, to take the initiative. The decision making process is well developed along democratic lines within the ceremonial setting. It is considered non-Yaqui, on the other hand, for an individual to speak as if on behalf of the group and to attain power for oneself in the process. Normally, an individual Yaqui, aspiring to gain respect and become influential would find his energies rewarded only in the traditional setting. A greater margin of tolerance toward individual initiative would be allowed, in a Yaqui village, to a non-Yaqui (though Yaqui speaking) than to a Yaqui who is bound by his sanctions to maintain a high level of moderation. This does not, of course, assure a favorable response to any dynamic non-Yaqui. Yaqui children are naturally lacking in role play experiences which are not reinforced within their own culture. Whatever models they see for this role play are seen outside the Yaqui household and in non-Yaqui environments.

The role of symbols and the process of symbolization in Yaqui culture has yet to be adequately studied. This project was not extensive enough in its scope to thoroughly analyze these processes. Further study in this field is essential to understanding the perceptual processes among contemporary Arizona Yaquis. Particularly needed is study of the variations in frames-of-reference and how they structure meaning. A further comparison would be made of recently introduced frames to enduring primal and synthetic frames. Then a phase of symbolization in the transfer of information would be observed among Yaqui children. This would effectively map those frames which obtained the acquisition and transfer of knowledge among young children.

Flowers represent the realm of the huya ania; a pure world free from evil, a transcendant reality unmaligned by the profanities of life on this earth. As a symbol a flow mediates the meaning of the holy, of the life force. Children are of the flower world. They symbolize the same things as flowers. Children are flowers, metaphorically. They are treated differently in the innocent, flower stage than when they acquire the sense of right and wrong. At this point their purity is tainted. Much research is needed on how the interaction of children, as flowers, frames the meaning of integrated sequences of child behavior. The concept of children relates the separate worlds of the cosmos.

The adaptability of the Yaqui people to endure change and to accommodate various external, imposing elements has enabled this proud culture to survive the ravages of war, deportation, genocide, and suffocating poverty in the midst of plenty. The failure of the Yaqui children to adapt to and benefit from the demands of educational institutions is cause for alarm and dismay. The few exceptions to this plight may yield clues as to how the vast majority of Yaqui youth may acquire the basic tools for economic survival. This problem, the retention of one’s identity in adaptation, must be dealt with by parents, teachers and students alike. Motivation must be achieved in accord with the value system firmly established within their cultural context. Goal orientation must develop along the lines of current Yaqui social control. The learning process must not be only reward/object oriented, but must conform to the patterns of behavior sanctioned by the Yaqui metaphysics. In this regard, the value of a person is not the totality of material goods gained but rather the end result of what one does, not what one has.

Preliminary analysis of the world of the Yaqui and the Anglo world of the school suggest some points of conflict. The Anglo concept of time is linear wherein events from the past through the present to the future, while the Yaqui world is cyclical (Figure 2).

The notion of regeneration and renewal in Yaqui thought allots the misguided Yaqui a fresh start if penance is done. Nothing is beyond the power of renewal. Accountability must allow for the opportunity to make penance and try again in the cyclical world of the Yaqui. Determining a point along a linear time plane is anomalous in Yaqui thought for it refutes the regenerative power of cosmic energy to alter the nature of immediate reality. It denies a cure, and all evil can be cured. Without acknowledging the redemptive qualities of the dynamic cosmic forces, any program of instruction will almost certainly fail to find value in the belief system of the Arizona Yaquis.

The Yaqui idea of yearly regeneration implies that a fresh start can be made following failure. To a Yaqui student this may mean that he should not be held accountable for past failures, but be permitted a fresh record. Past test scores are not as important as the score on the next test. The Anglo teacher’s emphasis on keeping a grade book is incompatible with the Yaqui view, which requires that past failure be forgotten.

The closed nature of traditional Yaqui society has continuously acted to inhibit interaction outside the community. This has isolated the community from strong influences and protected the culture from elements that bring change. Recent change has been associated with changing markets which altered Yaqui society in Arizona the way it has throughout most of the United States.

It is not easy for a Yaqui to relate to an outsider; that is a non-Yaqui outsider. The Yaquis, who call themselves Yoemem, refer to anyone who is not a Yaqui as a Yori. The term Yori is commonly applied to any Mexican or Mexican-American; an Anglo would be called a ringo. Anyone who acts like Yori or befriends a Yori for personal gain is called a to Ko yoi. In a closed society, the motivations of all acts are questioned, especially if they involve advancement. The holders of important ceremonial offices are not exempt from this label. to Ko yoi means both turncoat and traitor. It is used to classify those Yaquis who helped the Mexicans against the Yaquis in the Sonoran wars. This derogatory term is used in Arizona to refer to any aggressive Yaqui who appears to work too closely with the Mexican-American community in particular and the Anglo society in general. The work within the school system by concerned Yaquis has, to date, maintained an admirable balance; relating schoolwork to Yaqui children, modeling highly motivated and goal-oriented behavior while standing firm in light of suspicious community criticism.

The Yaqui corporate policy, even though fractured by factionalism, can serve as a resource to compete for increased access to economic resources. One aspect of their ability to compete most certainly resides in the area of formal education. The failure of the local public school to serve the Yaqui community suggests that another approach to formal education may be necessary.

Other ethnic corporate structures have developed their own educational programs which have proved to be successful in preparing their youth to cope with life in an urban, industrial society. These include the Chinese school, the Hebrew school, and the various orthodox Christian programs of education. What the Yaqui community in the United States might consider is the development of a non-formal Yaqui education program for all Yaqui. Such a program might be based on two models of education; the multicultural model (Gibson, 15-16), and liberation model (LaBelle, 21). Both these models rely heavily on non-formal approaches to educating all the members of a community.

The multicultural model seeks to develop competencies in multiple systems of standards for perceiving, evaluating, believing, and doing. It does not equate education with schooling. Nor does it equate culture and ethnic groups. It requires intensive interaction with people who already are competent members of the multicultures. Since multicultural education promotes multiple identities, it does not require the students to reject their cultural identity in favor of another identity. It does not emphasize the dichotomy between native and mainstream culture.

Multiculturalism is often times mistakenly equated with cultural pluralism. Cultural pluralism refers to the structured relationships of ethnic groups to the dominant group in a society. Multiculturalism on the other hand refers to the cultural diversity within groups. Thus, we all participate in a series of cultural arenas; our family, our school or workplace, our religious institution, our hobby, and maybe our neighborhood. The latter may or may not be an ethnic enclave. Or we may or may not participate in an ethnic group. What multicultural programs seek to accomplish is to assist the individual to acquire the skills necessary to participate in a variety of different cultural arenas, not as value acquisition but as skill acquisition, thus avoid value conflicts between the cultural arenas.

To the multiple realities of Yaqui culture; huy ania, yo ania and the moral word of good and evil would be added another reality, that of the school. Since most school classrooms, either consciously or subconsciously adhere to the Realist philosophy, they are in conflict with the sacred and profane worlds of the Yaqui culture. This additional world view needs to be presented, elaborated and compared for Yaquis of all ages, not as a reality which is in conflict with their own, but as an additional reality which can be used for their benefit as a mechanism of cultural survival. To the closed world of the Yaqui would be added an additional world from which their children can acquire the social skills for participation in the school much as they learn the skills to participate in Yaqui ceremonial life.

The approach to acquiring the skills, values and content of the Realist view of life might well include the techniques of nonformal education and of the liberation model of development. Such techniques would include the consciousness raising approach first suggested by Paulo Freire; the use of the Yaqui written language as one basis of communication; the use of Yaqui symbolic modes of communication found in their art, music, dance, and drama; and the inclusion of Yaquis of all ages in the process.

According to LaBelle, non-formal education refers to organized out-of-school programs designed to provide specific learning experience for specific target populations. These programs may include day care centers, community development projects, literacy education, and parent education programs. A liberation non-formal education program would seek to raise the consciousness level of the participants in order to permit them greater control over their own destiny.

The non-formal approach would be summer camps, day care centers, and parent education workshops administered by Yaquis using Yaqui pedagogical techniques to teach non-Yaqui behaviors and beliefs without becoming to yo yoi. In this manner the non-Yaqui world of the school could be presented in Yaqui terms and synthetically processed as Yaqui items and given worth in the Yaqui value system. The end result would be Yaqui of all ages "liberated" from the dominance of the school in that they could be capable of coping with the cultural arena of the school.

Freire, Paulo. Education for Critical Consciousness, 1981, Continuum.

Gibson, Margaret A. "Approaches to Multicultural Education in the United States. Some Concepts and Assumptions," Anthropology and Education Quarterly, VI, 4, November 1976, 7-18.

LaBelle, Thomas J. "Liberation, Development and Rural Non-Formal Education," Council on Anthropology and Education Quarterly, V1, 4, November 1975, 20-27.

Spicer, Edward H. The Yaquis: A Cultural History. 1980, The University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

John H. Chilcott is with the Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ 85721.