Volume 16 Number 1
October 1976

Marlene R. Jannusch and Dolli H. Big John

An investigation into Wisconsin’s educational problems uncovered an alarming plight of the state’s Native Americans, and subsequently attention was centered on the Winnebago community for a study. In order to probe the educational views, beliefs, and expectations of this community, a number of interested and concerned teachers and parents were visited and interviewed.

It was decided to work within the Winnebago Headstart Program near Black River Falls. The hope and the plan was to enrich the educational opportunities for these Native American children by providing a set of culturally relevant educational experiences. (Mrs. Big John was then Director of the Great Lakes Inter-Tribal Headstart Programs.) The authors joined forces in this project, which became "The Hochungra Headstart Model" or HHM. (Hochungra is the Winnebago word for "Winnebago.")

A curriculum created especially for Wisconsin Winnebago Headstart youngsters was of highest educational priority. Such a project could not succeed without the full support of the Indian community.

Diagnostic instruments were developed, and in early 1974 we jointly sought and secured the approval of the Educational Committee and the Tribal Council. Mrs. Big John began implementing the first of four diagnostic instruments, the "Winnebago Community Headstart Questionnaire." She interviewed volunteer families, from various communities, with questions designed to uncover Winnebago parents’ own self-concepts, their perceptions of the self-images of their children, and their view of education as it applies to their children.

Meanwhile, Dr. Jannusch held workshops to prepare for the implementation of the other three diagnostic instruments: the "Winnebago Headstart Interest Inventory," "Observational Guidelines for Winnebago Headstart Children’s Play Preferences," and the "Winnebago Headstart Staff Opinionaire."

Early Childhood educators know that much can be learned by watching children at play. For the second diagnostic instrument, a select number of stereotyped Indian play items were introduced into the Headstart classroom. These items included tom-toms, head-dresses, ankle bells, Indian dolls, peace pipes, shakers, teepees, canoes and bear claw necklaces. The children had access to the toys during play periods for the first two days of a designated week. On the last three days of the week, observations of the children’s behavior were made vis-a-vis the toys. The goal was to determine how the children played with the various items, and which items they found most interesting. Each child’s responses were recorded as completely as possible, facilitated by a "Behavioral Glossary of Terms" for staff members to use as an interpretation guide.

In the observational guidelines for the children’s play preferences, it should be noted that only half of the students played with the stereotyped play-items, and that they preferred activities associated with the ceremonial toys. The goal always was to achieve a reasonably complete historical-cultural context for instruction of folklore and customs.

Since neither anger nor excitement was registered by the children when playing with the items, it was surmised this issue would be clarified as the children were exposed to the toys over a longer period of time.

The final diagnostic instrument, the staff opinionnaire was administered to the Black River Falls Headstart staff by Dr. Jannusch. Giving these persons an opportunity to express their perceptions concerning the children, teachers and programs seemed imperative. Originally this instrument called for written responses, but the participants requested a discussion format. From this spontaneous interaction we determined that each staff member was enthusiastic about having a unique curriculum packet at her disposal, and wished to assist in the preparation of the lesson plans.

A continual reassessment of the tenets and implications became a major condition of the project. Community members were enlisted to enrich the various curriculum experiences, making it a Native American endeavor.

The results obtained from the four diagnostic instruments indicated that a curriculum packet designed specifically for Winnebago Headstart children, focusing on cultural awareness, language development, and socio-emotional development, would clearly be a significant contribution to the preschool education of these Native American children.

The majority of the Wisconsin Winnebagos interviewed wished to be considered a "special" ethnic group rather than a "minority." The curriculum packets were therefore constructed for these special Winnebago children.

Therefore, 117 educational experiences (lesson plans) were constructed, seeking to develop the children’s competence in large and small muscle coordination and visual, auditory, tactile, olfactory, and taste discrimination. Cognitive materials, rhythmic play, creative dramatics, science and art activities were stressed.

Because definitely affirmative answers were given by 52% of the children to questions centering on being Indian, one main unit heading, "All About Me," was used to classify the plans. Four general concepts subdivided the experiences: (a) Everybody is an Indian; (b) Everybody has an Indian name; (c) Everybody has an Indian family; and (d) Everybody has an Indian community.

From the "Winnebago Headstart Children’s Interest Inventory" it was ascertained that the 20 children interviewed did not seem to be familiar with terminology currently used specifically to refer to Indian concerns. The term "Native American" was foreign to most, while "Winnebago" and "Indian" were more familiar. The HHM packets set out to utilize both Winnebago and English words in teaching those meanings associated specifically with Indian concerns.

Open-endedness and flexibility were important in formulating the curriculum packet. To maintain flexibility, the HHM educational experiences were not sequenced so that they could be adapted to, added to, and adjusted to other preschool centers, staffs or programs.

The trial run of the HHM curriculum packet was held at the Black River Falls Winnebago Headstart Center in the Spring of 1975. Judging by the reactions of the children, staff and community, this initial effort was favorable. Of course, additional data is required before a completely validated conclusion can be reached. Four Native American Headstart centers in Wisconsin employed portions of the HHM in 1976, which will help develop the sort of longitudinal investigations that are required to determine the lasting effects of the packet.

Semantical Considerations

The rubric of contemporary professional educators has been fashioned in the image of the white, middle-class school, supplemented in recent years by the ghetto experience. Expectations which educators and researchers develop are also instructed by the results of those research efforts that attend to children’s performance in both the dominant culture and large minority groups.

There are few substantive educationally-oriented research studies on Native American preschoolers generally (none treating the Wisconsin Indian child specifically), and no testing devices normed around such a population.

This situation, a symptom of the "cultural gap," persists, and any attempt to bridge this continuing chasm would require the work of those sensitive to differences inherent in the Indian-white distinction, and those who are willing to save the values attached to both sides of this distinction. It is in this spirit that the Winnebago preschoolers’ multi-faceted needs were clarified.

A network of social, psychological, economic, political-ethnic, and cultural threads weave the complex fabric of the community’s educational situation. In this context, the authors have limited their remarks to four important (but not exhaustive) aspects: (1) "thinking and learning"--involving those describable processes associated with problem solving, making intelligent choices, and utilizing past experiences in confronting present and future conditions; (2) "feeling and caring"--involving the ways in which the child views himself (or herself), his interactions within the peer group, and his behavior toward and concern for others; (3) "growth and coordination"--involving the child’s physical development, particularly activity involving muscular responses to simple and complex instructions; (4) "creating and expressing"--involving the artistic and esthetic sensitivities of Winnebago preschoolers.

Issues Defined

Although the issues of the educational condition of the Wisconsin Winnebago community are complex, a meeting of the minds is possible. It will be difficult for the Indians, as they are not as confident and proficient in English and because they continue to treasure Indian values, there is a cultural barrier. This will be bridged through personal relationships.

"To give of yourself, to give of your ears, to give of your services, then you are rich," quotes Mrs. Big John.

By undertaking an educational project which will benefit both cultures, Indians and whites can work congenially on common problems (educational, cultural, political, social, etc.) and/or common goals. At least common problems will be better understood by both sides--if not solved.

In discussing the Winnebago preschool child, it is found that he is similar to other children, yet different. His physical growth is similar to other American children, yet his coordination is generally better. His body movements tend to be subtle, smooth and graceful, and his hand-eye coordination is somewhat advanced. He is basically healthy in spite of a love of snack foods and a distaste for keeping clean. The latter problem indicates a need in the Headstart program for preventive health and dental care instruction.

The Winnebago child is generally normal in his level of learning for an Indian child, but under par in relation to a white child. To deal with this problem, Headstart teachers and aides must see the Winnebago child as a special child with a special problem. He may be reticent in making a choice or reaching a decision because his parents may not offer many opportunities in terms of autonomous thinking. The family structure seems to be rather rigid.

However, modern Winnebago parents are more understanding of their children’s needs. The parents must be educated in the raising of their children, and the entire immediate family has been invited to participate in the HHM preschool program.

It was found that Headstart children advanced well during their program year, but when they transferred to public school kindergarten, they became bored. By the time white children caught up to them, the Indian children had began dangerous study and/or attention habits which were difficult to break. By the third grade, they had "learned to be lazy" and had fallen behind instead of "learning to learn" and self-propel themselves.

The Winnebago child should not be consistently compared to the white, middle-class child, although this is difficult not to do. Some of the Headstart teachers found the children to be shy and inhibited when expressing themselves. The Native American teachers found quite the opposite situation--or a mixture of introverts/extroverts depending upon the occasion.

Because they are bilingual, all Headstart children have an advantage over monolingual students. The one disadvantage is that if vocabularies are limited in one or both languages, problems can surface: children may acquire only skeletal language skills which negatively affects their total educational development. Tutorial programs, conversational and instructional lessons in both languages from Headstart through high school will offset any disadvantages.

In discussing the Winnebago child’s disposition toward feeling and caring, the term "self-image" is introduced: How does be relate to others?

At an early age, he thinks it’s good to be Indian. He only encounters problems when he sees the Indian as the bad guy on TV or in the movies. Generally, he does not think he is different than anyone else. This positive attitude should be stressed in every classroom beginning with Headstart and continuing through the grades. It would be one of the most important services that the school could render in assisting the Indian in the special role he must play in the dominant culture to foster a positive self-image. Some youth are quite disillusioned about their Indian heritage, which was probably not the case even a short ten years ago. But Winnebago parents who are comfortable and assured regarding their own self-images transfer a secure self-concept to their children.

Indian children must learn to think of themselves as winners, not losers. The people they imitate must be hero types. Therefore, the staff members of Headstart, the teachers especially, must be outstanding, successful people, of whom the Winnebago community can be proud, and who can serve as models to the children.

In relation to this concept, it is the teacher who makes the greatest difference in the education of the Winnebago preschool child. Irrespective of program or method, the teacher sets the stage for successful learning experiences, and needs to be warm and understanding, thereby creating a like educational atmosphere.

Because they do not have access to the many up-to-date and educational toys of white children, Winnebago children tend to create a lot of games on their own. When so-called middle-class toys are available, they will pretend and improvise. Similar to white children, Indian children seem reluctant to try out a new activity. This problem can be reduced over time by multi-media and multi-language experiences offered abundantly in the classroom. It will encourage the children to try out new ways of playing, working and communicating with each other. Fantasy, make-believe, role-playing, creative stories, poems, arts, crafts, and language activities would all implement esthetic development.

The tremendous task of absorbing each other’s perspectives is summed up in one of Mrs. Big John’s statements:

"Notice that our children think nothing of eating outdoors, camping outside. This is an example of normal environment for them. Whereas white people, if they go camping, really think it is different. Cooking and eating outside is the way we grow up. And it is in this kind of an environment that all of the above things you (have) mentioned must be introduced."

One other item of interest which can be included here was that the children were especially delighted with the school bus, the meals and the teachers at their center. Therefore, in the HHM, the school bus became an educational environment, in which the Winnebago language was reinforced and the plans for the future discussed. Food experiences were included in the packet. Since the teachers were highly respected, an effort was made to establish more one-to-one, teacher-pupil relationships in the class.

Cooperative efforts between Indian and white communities do have a chance of succeeding when the participants are sensitive to and respectful of each other’s concerns, and when the participants are in agreement as to the value of the project.

Behind the HHM’s motivating forces was a commitment to two values. One was that Native Americans direct the education of their children, and the other was that "education" should help actualize and fulfill personalities and clarify and expand future choices of the participants.

Therefore, the HHM’s curriculum project relied heavily on the knowledge and contributions of the Native American community, and much of the thought contained in the Great Lakes Inter-Tribal Council’s Developmental and Learning Overview and the Wisconsin Winnebago Business Committee’s Education Plan for Headstart provided reference material for the project. The HHM established three major objectives: (a) cultural awareness, (b) social and emotional growth, and (c) linguistic facility, and each individual lesson plan reflects one or more of these objectives.

Yet these major developmental objectives are abstractions that require more specific goals. Therefore, each HHM lesson was designed to contribute one or more of the following: (1) Enhancing the positive life experiences of Native American preschoolers. (2) Encouraging each child to develop and maintain a positive self-concept and self-image. (3) Creating an optimum learning environment. (4) Encouraging parental involvement in the Headstart program. (5) Implementing health care and disease prevention programs for Native American preschoolers. (6) Emphasizing that the Native American is a worthwhile contributor to the dominant culture and that he also has a unique culture of his own. (7) Offering learning strategies that will enable Native American children to cope positively and constructively with psychological, tribal, and community problems. (8) Reinforcing past and present tribal values. (9) Encouraging pride in the Native American heritage.

At present the authors are unable to clarify many of the complex issues that eventually will have to be confronted regarding the project. The following questions haunt us as we delineate the significant aspects of the HHM: (a) Did the exposure to the HHM make a positive difference in the lives of these Winnebago Headstart children? (b) Were the three developmental goals (namely, "cultural awareness," "language development" and "social-emotional development") the best ones to adopt for creating a learning packet designed to strengthen these children’s ability to cope with the dominant culture? (c) Will the HHM allow these children to be more successful in their formal school experiences in the future? (d) Did the project itself relieve any frustrations, or bridge any gaps, among Indians and whites? (e) Can the HHM’s curriculum packet be used successfully with other, non-Indian, subjects?

These are important questions, and we will continue to strive to find reasonable answers for them. Yet they must not overshadow the achievements that this project has generated. For example, the HHM clearly initiated a giant step in the movement toward Indian quality education for preschool children. It also allowed for Indian and white cooperation on both personal and professional levels. The children enjoyed the experiences generated within the HHM, and, perhaps for the first time, had the chance to play and learn in a context that was cognizant of their special needs and interests. Finally, the attempt was made to include parents and the larger Winnebago community in the planning and implementation of the educational enterprise.

In the whole history of Native American education in Wisconsin this project is unique. We believe that it is truly significant as well.

Whatever the long-range effects of HHM, both authors feel that this cooperative effort between Indian and white educators was well worth the effort: The project became an Indian rather than white, middle-class enterprise. We believe that the HHM is a first step toward a truly relevant ethnic education for Winnebago preschool children and that more sophisticated educational programs can be devised based on this pilot endeavor. Revision of lesson plans and development of original audiovisual materials will be one expansion. In this continuing venture, we believe the quality of Native American preschool education can be enhanced, especially in Wisconsin.